Madrid uprising. May Uprising in Madrid

date -3 May Place Madrid, Outcome The uprising is brutally suppressed, but the unrest spreads throughout Spain, the war for the independence of Spain begins. Opponents
Commanders
Audio, photo, video at Wikimedia Commons

2 May 1808 uprising in Madrid(Spanish) Dos de Mayo) - an uprising of the inhabitants of Madrid against the occupation of the city by the troops of the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, which served as a prelude to a protracted guerrilla war.

Prerequisites

Beginning and course of the uprising

The spark that ignited the rebels was an attempt by the French marshal Murat to send the daughter and youngest son of Charles IV, Francisco de Paula, to Bayonne. Initially, the ruling council of the city refused to comply with Murat's demand, but finally agreed after receiving a letter from Ferdinand VII, who was in Bayonne.

News of the uprising in Madrid, which arrived on the same day on May 2 in the nearby town of Mostoles, prompted Juan Pérez Villamil (Spanish)Russian, the secretary of the Admiralty and the prosecutor of the Supreme Military Council, and the leaders (alcaldes) of the town to sign a declaration of war calling on the Spaniards to fight for the expulsion of the invaders. By the name of the town, this document was called the Declaration of the Mayors of Móstoles (Spanish)Russian.

The French occupiers hoped that their quick and brutal repression would show the population that they were the masters of Spain, but in fact the uprising gave a strong impetus to the resistance. In the following weeks and months, the number of armed uprisings against the French began to increase. May 2 start date

On May 2, residents and guests of the Spanish capital celebrate Madrid Day in memory of the uprising of the inhabitants of the city and its liberation in 1808 from occupation by Napoleon's troops.

May 2, 1808 uprising in Madrid (Spanish Dos de Mayo) - an uprising of the inhabitants of Madrid against the occupation of the city by the troops of the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, which served as a prelude to a protracted guerrilla war. The city of Madrid was occupied by Napoleon's troops on March 23 1808 of the year. King Charles IV was forced to abdicate in favor of his son Ferdinand VII, but Napoleon lured both of them to French territory and took them under arrest in the city of Bayonne. An attempt by the commander of the French troops, Joachim Murat, to also take out the daughter and youngest son of Charles IV from the country led to a popular uprising in Madrid, which was crushed after several hours of fierce street fighting. The brutal suppression of the uprising and the subsequent proclamation of Napoleon's brother Joseph as king of Spain led to the spread of unrest throughout Spain. The spark that ignited the rebels was an attempt by the French marshal Murat to send the daughter and youngest son of Charles IV, Francisco de Paula, to Bayonne. Initially, the ruling council of the city refused to comply with Murat's demand, but finally agreed after receiving a letter from Ferdinand VII, who was in Bayonne.

On May 2, a crowd began to gather in front of the Royal Palace in Madrid. The crowd entered the building to prevent the expulsion of Francisco de Paula. Murat sent a battalion of grenadiers from the imperial guard and artillery crews. Artillery opened fire on the assembled crowd, and the uprising began to spread to other parts of the city.

The poorly armed townspeople engaged in street fighting with the French troops. Murat declared martial law and brought most of his troops into the city, fierce fighting began around Puerta del Sol and Puerta de Toledo. The civil administration of the city was dissolved. Gradually, French troops took control of the city, hundreds of residents died in battle. The fierceness of the fighting transferred to Goya's painting "The uprising of May 2, 1808 in Madrid". The Spanish troops who were in the city, according to the orders received, remained in the barracks. The only unit that joined the rebels were the artillerymen from the Monteleón barracks. The commanders of this unit, Pedro Velarde and Luis Daois, are considered heroes of the uprising to this day. Both died during French attacks on the barracks.

In the picture "The uprising of May 2, 1808 in Madrid" the artist depicted an episode that happened in the morning, when the Spanish patriots attacked the Mamluks and dragoons who served in the Imperial Guard of Napoleon, leading the youngest Infante Francisco de Paula out of the royal palace. The composition, which lacks a single center, conveys the energy of the crowd and the tension of the battle, and the color palette emphasizes the brutality of what is happening.

With the bombing of Madrid during the Spanish Civil War, the Republican government decided to evacuate the Prado's funds. The truck transporting the works of Goya had an accident and the "May 2, 1808 Uprising in Madrid" was badly damaged. Cuts remained on the painting, and some parts of the canvas were lost. After restoration, part of the damage at the left edge was left uncorrected to serve as a reminder to viewers of the civil war. Only during the second restoration in 2008, the painting was completely restored.

Severe reprisals followed the suppression of the uprising. On the evening of May 2, Murat created a military tribunal chaired by General Grusha. The tribunal pronounced death sentences on anyone captured with a weapon in hand. In an order issued on the same day, Murat wrote: “The inhabitants of Madrid, who allowed themselves to be carried away on a false path, indulged in rebellion and murder. French blood was shed. This requires revenge. All those arrested during the riot, with weapons in their hands, will be shot.” All public gatherings were banned and an order was issued to surrender weapons to the French authorities. Hundreds of captured citizens were executed on the night of May 3, this scene is reflected in the picture Goya's The Third of May 1808 in Madrid.

News of the uprising in Madrid, which arrived on the same day on May 2 in the nearby town of Mostoles, prompted Juan Pérez Villamil, secretary of the Admiralty and prosecutor of the Supreme Military Council, and the leaders (alcades) of the city, to sign a declaration of war, calling on the Spaniards to fight for expulsion of the invaders. This document is named after the town. « Declarations of the alcades of Móstoles ».

The French occupiers hoped that their quick and brutal repression would show the population that they were the masters of Spain, but in fact the uprising gave a strong impetus to the resistance. In the following weeks and months, the number of armed uprisings against the French began to increase. May 2 marks the beginning of the war in the Iberian Peninsula.

Several have been erected in Madrid monuments heroes of the uprising, including "Monument to the Fallen for Spain" and monument "Heroes May 2, 1808".

According to the established tradition, the center of celebrations on May 2 in Madrid is the capital Malasana area where various events, concerts, dance shows, theater performances take place.

Acquainted with Program of events you can follow the link: https://somosmalasana.elperiodico.com/fiestas-2-de-mayo/

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Madrid uprising of 1808, a popular uprising against the French occupiers on May 2-3, which marked the beginning of the Spanish Revolution and the Spanish-French War of 1808-1814. Napoleon I, seeking to seize the Iberian Peninsula, under the pretext of strengthening the French army in Portugal, with which France was at war, in late 1807 and early 1808 he brought his troops into Spain. In March 1808, a detachment of the Imperial Guard led by I. Murat entered Madrid. French occupation. troops means that parts of Spain caused sharp discontent among the people. masses, which led to a crisis in palace circles. King Charles IV of Spain abdicated. His son Ferdinand VII was elevated to the throne. However, Napoleon I did not recognize the new king and, having decided to capture the Spanish. throne, summoned Charles IV and Ferdinand VII to France, ostensibly to settle the issue of succession to the throne. In Madrid, a rumor spread that Murat intended to take out of Spain the last heir to the king - Infante (Prince) Francisco. This was the reason for the uprising. On May 2, the population of Madrid, led by patriotic officers Daons and Velarde, armed with guns, knives and stones, shouting "Death to the French!" opposed 25,000 French garrison. Fierce battles on the square. Puerta del Sol, near Puerto Toledo, in the location of the artillery park continued on May 2 and on the night of May 3. Having suppressed the uprising, the invaders brutally cracked down on the population of Madrid. The Madrid uprising stirred up the whole country and served as an impetus for the Nar. performances in other areas, which grew into a broad national liberation movement against the invaders. May 2 entered the history of Spain as the beginning of the struggle of the Spanish people for national independence.

Used materials of the Soviet military encyclopedia in 8 volumes, volume 5.

Madrid uprising on May 2, 1808 - an armed uprising of the population of Madrid against the French invaders, which marked the beginning of the Spanish Revolution of 1808-1814. The reason for the uprising was the attempt of Marshal Murat to take out of Spain on the morning of May 2 the last representative of the royal house - Infanta Don Francisco. The population of Madrid, armed with guns taken from the enemy, knives, sticks, fought against the 25,000-strong French garrison. The most intense battles unfolded in Puerta del Sol, near Puerta Toledo, as well as in the Artillery Park, where the heroic struggle of the masses was led by captains Daois and Velarde, who showed special courage, with whom the national heroes Lieutenant Jacinto Ruiz and Clara del Rey fell on the battlefield . The higher nobility and royal officials refused to support the uprising. It was suppressed by the occupation. troops, after which mass repressions and executions began. The Madrid uprising shook the country; The day of May 2, 1808 entered the history of Spain as the national day of the struggle of the Spanish people for freedom and national independence.

Soviet historical encyclopedia. In 16 volumes. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1973-1982. Volume 8, KOSHALA - MALTA. 1965.

Causes of the uprising

The political course of the favorite, - said the emperor, - even before Jena seemed to me a little suspicious. I could see that he is absolutely suspicious if my ambassador there was a smart person and kept me informed about what is happening in Spain. But I was not well served. I was amazed when I met in the Spanish government an opposition to which I was not accustomed, and I began to beware; this change even prompted me to seek to settle the differences that had arisen between us and Prussia, whereas if not for this, I would have most readily taken up the gauntlet that the Prussian court threw me so inopportunely for him. I clearly saw that the Spanish nation was a little dissatisfied, but I thought that only her pride was offended, and I hoped to give her satisfaction later; I confess that I was far from thinking that a declaration of war on me would come from a favorite. I thought he had the best advisers.

I had no illusions about the plans of this new enemy, said the emperor, but I pretended not to see them. The successes I have just achieved have come in handy for me. Being a more skillful politician than Godoy, I myself gave him the opportunity to present exhaustive explanations and consider me satisfied; I promised myself that I would take advantage of this to retaliate with a vengeance at the first opportunity, or at least to deprive the Spanish court of the opportunity to create difficulties for me another time. This incident opened my eyes. The Prince of Peace might have made me gray on the eve of Jena, but the day after Jena, I was already master of the situation. For a moment I thought the Spaniards were more determined than they were, and I thought they had my ambassador by the nose, but this anxiety was short-lived. That one time Godoy showed energy, he played a more fatal role for Spain than during those. many years, when he showed weakness and meanness, publicly polluting his master with this meanness. He did not think that when a man of his type draws a sword against a sovereign, then one must win or die, for if kings forgive each other mutual insults, then they cannot and should not show the same condescension towards their subjects. He should have understood that there can be no forgiveness for a man who, like him, has no roots in the country; neither common sense nor political considerations will allow forgiveness. He sacrificed Spain to remain the favourite, and Spain herself sacrificed herself in order to take revenge on him and those whom she wrongly considered his supporters. Revolutions are born out of widespread rumors and hostility among the people. After the first shot from a gun, no explanation is possible: passions flare up, and since people are unable to come to an agreement, they kill each other.

The emperor repeated once again that it was precisely these sentiments in Spain that nearly forced him to make peace in Berlin and even to grant Prussia good terms. If the officer who brought the message of the surrender of Magdeburg had arrived an hour later, then the peace would have been signed.

According to the emperor, Godoy (for the most part he called him by this name), having learned that the emperor had won a victory over the Prussians, did everything to rub him points about the meaning of the famous appeal; he pretended, as the emperor remarked jokingly, that it was directed against the Turkish sultan or the Moroccan king.

We deceived each other with the greater ease,” added the emperor, “because each of us was equally interested in being fooled. Seeing that I was inclined to help his sovereign arrange his fate, Godoy supported my plans. I did not think of overthrowing Charles IV; I only wished, during the war with England, to secure the security I needed, in order to see that the measures which might force England to peace were carried out. Izquierdo was in Paris a secret agent of the Prince of Peace and an intermediary in the correspondence between Charles IV and me. As a confidant of the favorite, he was on very close terms with Talleyrand and Murat. For the most part, negotiations took place without the knowledge of the Spanish ministry and the Spanish ambassador. On our side, Champagny also did not interfere too openly in them. However, he was useful to me; he is an honest man, very diligent and completely devoted to me. The Spanish king was not averse to profiting from the remains of Portugal, and his favorite wanted - in case of the death of the king - to be able to hide from Ferdinand's place in the independent state created for him. Haunted by the contempt of the nation and the envy of the grandees, having no other support than the favor of the king and queen, which he could lose at any moment, he signed everything that I wanted. Murat and Talleyrand, especially the first, were privy to all his fears and hopes. Intoxicated with vanity, he thought that I could forget his behavior, since then it was to my advantage to give him a number of advantages. In his blindness, he forgot that his proclamation was only composed because he thought I was a shipwreck. If you are a rogue, then don't be a fool! Frias, whom the prince of Peace then sent to Paris and who was supposed to justify the prince before me, and also convey to me, along with the congratulations of the king on my victories, Godoy's apology and regret for what had happened, was only an ostentatious figure; only Izquierdo was initiated into the mysteries of the case. In Madrid, they did not understand that the duality of Frias's mission deprived his congratulations of any value, dressing them in a livery of embarrassment and even fear. However, I did not show anything, since it was most important to me that Spain and Portugal should join the measures agreed at Tilsit, the purpose of which was to further expand the continental system. Embarrassed by its position towards me, the Madrid cabinet decided that it would fix everything if it joined this system with the utmost readiness. It was more difficult to subjugate Portugal, a country that is under unconditional English influence. If she refused, then she would have to be forced, and for this it would be necessary to act in harmony with Spain. In this state of affairs, it was essential for the security of the troops I would send to Portugal, and also for the establishment of the continental system, that a few points in Spain should be occupied. Murat certainly kept the enemies of France at bay, but he did not defeat them. The favorite enjoyed such influence over the king that it was impossible to hope to open the eyes of this gullible old man, and it was necessary to negotiate with Godoy himself in order to secure the closure of the entire European coast for England. Since the court of Lisbon did not want to submit, the observation corps of the Gironde was mobilized, supposedly formed to protect our coast from any encroachment and to combat smuggling. Sending Junot to Spain required the conclusion of a certain agreement in the interests of Spain itself. Duroc signed the treaty worked out by Talleyrand and Izquierdo. The treaty gave Spain, the king of Etruria and the prince of Peace, half of Portugal, and kept the other half as a pledge for exchange when making peace with England; this world has always been my main goal. The Spanish troops were to act with us in Portugal and guard the coast, while the Marquis of La Romana and O "Farril, at the head of other Spanish corps, were to operate in the north and in Tuscany, in order to definitely emphasize in the eyes of Europe the complete agreement between us. Austria was England could no longer have any illusions. At last she was to see her goods rejected everywhere and all Europe treated her like an enemy. This time everything was conducive to the success of my projects, and it seemed purpose achieved.The negotiations were so well kept secret, and the military preparations—even in Madrid—carried out under such good direction that no one knew anything.The conceited Prince of Peace, who cared only about obtaining the crown in Portuguese territory, forced Charles IV to sign everything.

In essence, continued the emperor, Spain benefited from this agreement. The old king, delighted with the idea of ​​conquering Portugal and becoming emperor, decided that this title made him a great man, as if the new title could charm his subjects more than the old one, and as if to be called emperor means to acquire the genius and energy needed to to revive and defend their beautiful empire. In the depths of our hearts we all thought that we had done a good deed, since the Spanish pomposity should have felt satisfied, but we were deceived. While negotiations were underway at Fontainebleau, Ferdinand, impatient to ascend the throne, plotted against his father. He was looking for support and thought that he would find it if he turned to me with a request to give him one of Josephine's relatives as a wife. To explain this request, which his father did not know about, he stated that he wanted to make him the son-in-law of the favorite. The mystery of this step and the whole situation outraged me. I did not answer him and even gave a scolding to my ambassador, whom I suspected for a moment of having had a hand in this matter. Far from any thought of any change in Spain, I did my best to instill sound ideas in the court of Lisbon. Talleyrand, who believed that the result of these measures would be peace with England, sent Lima (the Portuguese envoy in Paris) to Lisbon; but the court of Lisbon spent several days on all sorts of subterfuges and did not want to understand anything. It was necessary, therefore, to sign a treaty at Fontainebleau, if only in order to avoid any reason for disagreement with Spain before the occupation of Portugal. Then it was very important for me to maintain good relations with Spain. My entire political system depended on this agreement. Talleyrand, who knew my affairs well and negotiated with Izquierdo, can confirm this to you. I was far from any suggestion of those scandalous events which then stained Spain and forced us to look at the matter differently. I went to Italy, sending you to Petersburg, and in the meantime the son's attempt on his father, the strife between them and the palace intrigues have already changed the situation in many ways. In the end, Ferdinand's ambition took matters to the extreme. All ties were broken and all good morals were offended. In this situation, a definite decision had to be made, since Spain, which in the person of the king father and his favorite was on my side, now by the force of things and as a result of an intrigue that deprived Charles IV of the path in favor of his son, was ready to turn against me, unless I become Ferdinand's accomplice. But such a role was contrary to my principles and was unworthy of me. At the same time, I could not deceive myself about the consequences of this coup, and I did not hesitate to convince myself that the court, torn apart by disgusting intrigues, would sacrifice the real interests of the country and its relations with us if, considering only the interests of the moment, I take the side of Charles IV. I have always been disgusted with petty politics. Perhaps it would be the right policy on my part to help Ferdinand, who at that moment apparently represented the Spanish nation, but this would mean betraying the king, since everyone knew that his son and the Duke of Infantado were driven by a desire to rule on the throne . Hatred of the favorite served as a pretext to justify their ambition. The interests of Spain played no role in this matter, which was nothing more than a palace intrigue. To intervene in this intrigue would mean for me to become an accomplice in the vile betrayal of my son to his father. I picked up the crown of France, which was lying in a puddle. I raised her to the pinnacle of glory, and after that I could not contribute to the desecration of the scepter of Spain and the sacred authority of the king and father. The state of affairs was such that if I had spoken in favor of the legitimate authority of the father against the usurping actions of the son, my statement would have gone against the will of the Spanish nation and would have brought the hatred of the Spaniards to France. Such a decision, contrary to my interests, could not, moreover, produce any other result than the continuation of the unrest, since the government of Charles IV had lost all respect. I could not take on the role of Godoy's bulwark against this proud nation. Having determined to save and revive her if I should be forced to intervene in her affairs, I decided to confine myself to waiting for the time being. I contented myself with being an observer. Although, in essence, I should not have given political protection to the court that threatened me when I thought that I was in trouble, nevertheless I explained to Charles IV his position. But the intrigues of the Prince of Asturias and the favorite, whose interests were so sharply opposed, were an obstacle to any way out of the situation. I was not slow to come to the conclusion that they and the whole nation would be the victim of the situation. Ferdinand, who had asked me to marry him, now begged me to give him protection; the king asked me to protect him; as for the favorite, he subscribed to everything in advance, if only to save his authority and maintain his influence. Dishonest minister and worthless citizen - he thought only of himself. I did not want to get dirty by intervening in these intrigues, and continued to maintain great restraint, not wanting to ratify the treaty concluded by Duroc at Fontainebleau until the situation was clarified. Meanwhile, Junot's army occupied Portugal, and the court of Lisbon abandoned it for Brazil; it forced me to go for new combinations. The events that took place at the Spanish court made it more repulsive than ever for me to intervene in these scandalous quarrels. I thought it best to leave them to sort out their dirty linen and give them Portugal, thus removing them beyond the Ebro; this would guarantee me that the government would support the measures taken against England and would place the Basque provinces in our hands. In fact, Spain benefited from such a change, which was quite consistent with its interests. A good defensive and offensive treaty, in connection with the position it created for us and for them, turned Spain into a real ally, but stupidity, fear and strife between father and son led to nothing being achieved. Perhaps I also showed Izquierdo too clearly, when he left for Madrid to set things right, my unwillingness to interfere in their feuds and my contempt for Godoy and all their intrigues. Doubting that I would be willing to support him, the old king was frightened and was already ready to go to America; but they did not have the courage to make an energetic decision. They chose to stay behind to compete with each other and put daggers into the hands of their subjects. I was completely uninvolved in these events, which were contrary to my interests. I sent more troops to Spain. than he intended, because in any case he did not want to allow events to turn against us, and the fear of the favorite and the English intrigues, which were already intertwined with the intrigues of Ferdinand, could lead to this. Murat, who commanded the army, did only stupid things and misled me.

The emperor went on to say that "Spanish affairs are explained only by a combination of circumstances that could not have been foreseen." These events were very unpleasant to him and forced him to act contrary to his intentions. It was impossible to take into account in advance the extraordinary stupidity and weakness that Charles IV showed, or the criminal vanity and duplicity of Ferdinand, malicious and at the same time pathetic.

The emperor added that Ferdinand came to Bayonne on the advice of the Toledo archdeacon Eskoikitz, who thought in this way to deliver Ferdinand at once both his wife and the kingdom; the old king also came to Bayonne of his own free will. The emperor told me several times that he spoke frankly with the Spaniards who arrived in Bayonne even before the arrival of Ferdinand and did not hide from them his opinion about him; thus it was entirely up to those who had arrived before Ferdinand to warn him, and it was entirely up to him to turn back.

According to the emperor, even after the arrival of Ferdinand, he remained in indecision for a long time; then he saw that things had taken a bad turn and now everyone would explain events in his own way in order to justify himself, and he would be reproached for this matter, as they are reproached for everything that ends in failure, although he was guided solely by those considerations that, by mature reflections seemed to him in the interests of both the Spanish nation and France. He repeated again that it was impossible to imagine how blind and stupid were the advisers who enjoyed the confidence of the king and his son, and to what extent Murat was carried away by the Prince of Peace, for whom he interceded in every possible way. It is also impossible to imagine to what extent the queen mother's hatred for her son and the son's hatred for mother and father reached. His parents considered him capable of anything, even trying to poison them, as the queen once told the emperor. Most of all, she and the king were afraid to fall into his hands; because of this, they left Spain, fearing his return there, and because of this, they all the time refused to return to Spain themselves.

All of them, said the emperor, endlessly told him about their grievances against each other. It got to the point that at times he blushed for them and tried to cut off the conversation so as not to pollute himself by listening to so many nasty things; everyone was occupied only with himself; in none of them did he ever notice any thought on the interests of Spain.

The Emperor then told me about Escoikitz, who was obsessed with only one idea - to marry Ferdinand in Bayonne.

This is a petty intriguer, - said the emperor. - However, I would have acted quite expediently if I had had a hand in this project, since at that moment Ferdinand was the idol of the Spaniards. But then they would not fail to say that I incited him to everything and was an accomplice in his plot; I preferred anything but this. I had to choose between three possible solutions in this case, I chose the one that suggested to me the interests of the well-being of Spain, as well as our interests. As for the other two possible solutions, one of them turned me into an accomplice in crime, and the other into an accomplice in the humiliation of a nation that wanted to shake off the shame of the last reign. I could not hesitate in my choice, and these considerations did not allow me to send Charles and Ferdinand to Spain, as my interests suggested to me. Ferdinand would soon have exhausted the enthusiasm with which the nation treated him, and the return of his father would have humiliated him too much, and less than six months would have passed before he would call on me for help. But Champapii and Marais thought that they should take advantage of the moment when events were ripe and when it was especially easy to bring about a change, since Charles and Ferdinand had completely discredited themselves in Bayonne even in the eyes of the Spaniards most devoted to them. Murat told me fairy tales that led me astray. I wanted to alleviate the calamities of this country; I made a mistake. If I had followed my first impulse, I would have sent the king and his son home. Spain would be at my feet now. I was deceived, or rather events deceived all human foresight. Was it possible to foresee that Murat would only do stupid things, and Dupont would go to meanness? Someday the Spaniards will regret the constitution I gave them; she would revive their country. The reason for the uprising in Spain was Dupont's greed, his greed, his desire to preserve his ill-gotten fortune at all costs. Everything was ruined by the capitulation near Bailen. In order to save his wagons laden with loot, Dupont condemned the soldiers, his compatriots, to the shame of an unparalleled capitulation, which made such a deplorable impression on the Spanish people, and to the shame of exposing the blasphemous sacking of churches, which Dupont allowed to hide his own theft. By agreeing to inspect the soldier's knapsacks on the condition that his own luggage be inviolable, he personally signed his dishonor on the pages of history. Bailen is the Kavda Gorge of our history. The spectacle of objects stolen from churches was the signal for an uprising; the instigators took advantage of this to incite the superstitious people to vengeance.

Literature:

Kudryavtsev A. E. The Spanish Revolution of 1808-1814. - “Student. app. Leningrad. state ped. in-ta”, 1939, v. 22, p. 5-44;

The World History. T. 6. M., 1959, p. 105.

1814 El dos de mayo de 1808 en Madrid. Prado Museum, Madrid.

The Madrid uprising of 1808 is a popular uprising against the French occupiers on May 2, which marked the beginning of the national liberation struggle of the Spaniards for their independence and the Spanish-French war of 1808-1814. It was held under monarchist slogans in defense of the ruling Bourbon dynasty against the Bonapartist usurpers.

Napoleon I, seeking to seize the Iberian peninsula, under the pretext of strengthening the French army in Portugal, with which France was at war, in late 1807 - early 1808 brought his troops into Spain. On March 23, 1808, a detachment of the Imperial Guard led by Joachim Murat entered Madrid.

The occupation of a significant part of Spain by French troops caused a sharp discontent of the people, which led to a crisis in palace circles. The insignificant King Charles IV abdicated. His son Ferdinand VII was elevated to the throne. However, Napoleon I did not recognize the new king and, having decided to seize the Spanish throne, summoned Charles IV and Ferdinand VII to France, ostensibly to settle the issue of succession to the throne.

A rumor spread in Madrid that Murat intended to take out of Spain the last heir of the king, Infante (Prince) Francisco de Paula, the younger brother of Ferdinand VII. This was the reason for the uprising.

On May 2, a crowd began to gather in front of the Royal Palace in Madrid. The crowd entered the building to prevent the expulsion of Francisco de Paula. Murat sent a battalion of grenadiers from the imperial guard and artillery crews. Artillery opened fire on the assembled crowd, and the uprising began to spread to other parts of the city.

The Spanish troops who were in the city, according to the orders received, remained in the barracks. The only unit that joined the rebels were the gunners from the Monteleon barracks.

The commanders of this unit, who led the rebels, captains Pedro Velarde and Luis Daois, are considered heroes of the uprising to this day. Both died during French attacks on the barracks. Fierce battles in Puerta del Sol, near Puerta Toledo, in the location of the artillery park, continued on May 2 and on the night of May 3.


Death of Captain Pedro Velarde while defending Monteleón barracks. Artist Joaquin Sorolla y Bastida.

Severe reprisals followed the suppression of the uprising. On the evening of May 2, Murat created a military tribunal chaired by General Grusha. The tribunal pronounced death sentences on anyone captured with a weapon in hand. In an order issued on the same day, Murat wrote:

« The inhabitants of Madrid, having let themselves be led astray, indulged in rebellion and murder. French blood was shed. This requires revenge. All those arrested during the riot, with weapons in their hands, will be shot.».

All public gatherings were banned and an order was issued to surrender weapons to the French authorities. Hundreds of captured townspeople were executed on the night of May 3, this scene is reflected in Goya's painting " The Third of May 1808 in Madrid".

The French occupiers hoped that their quick and brutal repression would show the population that they were the masters of Spain, but in fact the uprising gave a strong impetus to the resistance.

News of the uprising in Madrid, which arrived on the same day on May 2 in the nearby town of Mostoles, prompted Juan Pérez Villamil, Secretary of the Admiralty and Prosecutor of the Supreme Military Council, and the leaders (alcades) of the town, to sign a declaration of war, calling on the Spaniards to fight for expulsion of the invaders. By the name of the town, this document was called the "Declaration of Alcades of Móstoles".

The Madrid uprising stirred up the whole country and served as an impetus for popular uprisings in other areas, which grew into a guerrilla war against the invaders.

May 2 entered the history of Spain as the beginning of the struggle of the Spanish people for their freedom and national independence.

May 2 is considered a public holiday in the capital region. The place where the Monteleón barracks were located is now the Plaza dos de Mayo (May 2 Square). The surrounding neighborhoods are called Malasaña (Malasanya), after the teenage girl Manuela Malasaña, who died during the suppression of the uprising.

More paintings:
1. Uprising May 2, 1808. Artist Manuel Castellano.

2. Death of Daois and Velarde in the artillery barracks of Monteleon. Artist Leonardo Alensa.

3. Death of Velarde on May 2, 1808. Artist Manuel Castellano.

4. The bodies of Luis Daois and Pedro Velarde. Artist José Nino y Tudo.

5. Death of Manuela Malasaña. Artist Eugenio Alvarez Dumont. Manuela Malasaña Oñoro (Spanish Manuela Malasaña, Madrid, March 10, 1791 - Madrid, May 2, 1808) is one of the victims of the Madrid uprising. She died during the suppression of the uprising by Napoleonic troops, who occupied the Spanish capital. Revered as a folk heroine. The circumstances of Manuela's death are not entirely clear. According to one version, she participated in the battles in the Artilleria de Monteleón Park (Spanish: Parque de Artillería de Monteleón, located on the square, which today is called May 2 Square (Spanish: Plaza del 2 de Mayo). Manuela helped bring gunpowder and ammunition to the defenders of the park, who were under the command of officers Luis Daois (Spanish Luis Daoíz) and Pedro Velarde (Spanish Pedro Velarde) According to another version, she was in her sewing workshop, away from the fighting, when French soldiers entered the workshop to search The soldiers allegedly tried to rape Manuela, and when she grabbed the scissors (which were her working tool), they accused her of hiding weapons and executed her.

2 May 1808 uprising in Madrid. 1814 Canvas, oil. 268×347 cm Prado Museum, Madrid K: Paintings of 1814

"The uprising of May 2, 1808 in Madrid"(Spanish) El dos de mayo de 1808 in Madrid ) - a painting by the Spanish artist Francisco Goya, painted together with the painting " The Third of May 1808 in Madrid" in the spring and summer of 1814 for the arrival of King Ferdinand VII. Both works were most likely ordered by the Supreme Council of the Regency, which provided financial assistance to Goya.

In the painting, the artist depicted an episode that happened on the morning of May 2, 1808, when the Spanish patriots attacked the Mamluks and dragoons serving in the Imperial Guard of Napoleon, leading the youngest Infante Francisco de Paula out of the royal palace. The composition, which lacks a single center, conveys the energy of the crowd and the tension of the battle, and the color palette emphasizes the brutality of what is happening.

With the bombardment of Madrid during the Spanish Civil War, the Republican government decided to evacuate the Prado's foundations. The truck transporting the works of Goya had an accident and the "May 2, 1808 Uprising in Madrid" was badly damaged. Cuts remained on the painting, and some parts of the canvas were lost. After restoration, part of the damage at the left edge was left uncorrected to serve as a reminder to viewers of the civil war. Only during the second restoration in 2008, the painting was completely restored.

Sources

  • Guide to the Prado. - S. 182-183. - ISBN 978-84-8480-188-7.
  • Hughes R. Goya. - New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004. - ISBN 0-3945-8028-1.

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An excerpt characterizing the Uprising of May 2, 1808 in Madrid (picture)

Anna Pavlovna Scherer, like others, showed Pierre the change that had taken place in the public view of him.
Previously, in the presence of Anna Pavlovna, Pierre constantly felt that what he was saying was indecent, tactless, not what was needed; that his speeches, which seem clever to him, while he is preparing them in his imagination, become stupid as soon as he speaks out loud, and that, on the contrary, the most stupid speeches of Hippolytus come out clever and sweet. Now everything he said came out charmant. Even if Anna Pavlovna did not say this, he saw that she wanted to say it, and she only, in respect of his modesty, refrained from doing so.
At the beginning of the winter from 1805 to 1806, Pierre received from Anna Pavlovna the usual pink note with an invitation, in which was added: “Vous trouverez chez moi la belle Helene, qu" on ne se lasse jamais de voir ". [I will have a beautiful Helen that you never get tired of admiring.]
Reading this place, Pierre for the first time felt that some kind of connection had formed between him and Helen, recognized by other people, and this thought at the same time frightened him, as if an obligation was imposed on him that he could not keep, and together he liked it, as an amusing assumption.
Anna Pavlovna's evening was the same as the first, only the novelty that Anna Pavlovna treated her guests was now not Mortemar, but a diplomat who had arrived from Berlin and brought the latest details about the stay of Emperor Alexander in Potsdam and how the two highest friend swore there in an inseparable alliance to defend a just cause against the enemy of the human race. Pierre was received by Anna Pavlovna with a touch of sadness, obviously related to the fresh loss that befell the young man, to the death of Count Bezukhy (everyone constantly considered it a duty to assure Pierre that he was very upset by the death of his father, whom he hardly knew) - and sadness exactly the same as the highest sadness that was expressed at the mention of the august Empress Maria Feodorovna. Pierre felt flattered by this. Anna Pavlovna, with her usual art, arranged circles in her drawing room. A large circle, where Prince Vasily and the generals were, used a diplomat. The other circle was at the tea table. Pierre wanted to join the first, but Anna Pavlovna, who was in an irritated state of a commander on the battlefield, when thousands of new brilliant thoughts come that you barely have time to put into execution, Anna Pavlovna, seeing Pierre, touched him on the sleeve.

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