Yoruba tribe. Yoruba - the heirs of the ancient Nok culture

yoruba

people of Nigeria (25.5 million people, 1992). They also live in Benin, Ghana, Togo and other African countries. The total number of 26.2 million people (1992). Yoruba. By religion, Christians, there are Sunni Muslims and adherents of traditional beliefs.

yoruba

the language of the Yoruba people, belongs to the Kwa languages. Writing based on the Latin alphabet.

Yoruba

Yoruba:

  • Yoruba people in West Africa
  • Yoruba - the language of the Yoruba people

Yoruba (language)

Most Yoruba are Christians and Muslims. The Yoruba also to this day profess the ancient sacred polytheistic religion of Ifa’Orisha, which influenced the birth of such Afro-Caribbean traditions as voodoo, vodun, santeria-lucumi, oba and many others.

Yoruba art is represented by numerous figurines made of wood, bronze and clay, a variety of music (instrumental and responsor-vocal), which left its mark on Latin American musical culture.

Yoruba architecture has its own characteristics that are now being lost. This is due to changes in the Yoruba lifestyle. If earlier it was customary to live in large families and unite houses, building certain complexes of structures, now the situation has changed. Christianity, reforms in culture and education greatly influenced the Yoruba and formed the concept that the family is the basic unit of society. The spread and rooting of monogamy, the separation of families from each other - all this led to the death of those traditions that were formed by the centuries-old way of life.

Speaking about the formation of a nationwide culture and identity, the colonial period should be noted. Then, during the increasing discrimination of the Yoruba by Europeans, a wave of nationalism swept over the people, especially in educated circles. The stay of the missionaries served as an impetus for the development of the language, but before the colonial rule, many communities in Nigeria were not connected either politically or culturally.

However, the Europeans had more of a detrimental effect on Yoruba traditions. So, regarding religion, missionaries, in order to achieve success in propagating their ideas, distorted the structure of the religious worldview of the Yoruba, destroyed the foundations for various rituals, divination and sacrifices. For example, popular works and songs were rewritten to reflect the Christian view of things.

According to legend, the Yoruba came from the east. The legendary ancestor of the Yoruba is Oduduwa.

According to genetic studies, from 0.2% to 0.7% of Neanderthal genes were found in the genomes of the Yoruba and the Mbuti Pygmies. Genetic studies of the Sahul populations compared with studies of other modern human populations have shown that the Yoruba split from the Papuans of New Guinea c. 90 thousand liters n., and with the rest of the Eurasian populations - 75 thousand years ago. n., which testifies in favor of the hypothesis that the exodus from Africa occurred twice - approx. 120 thousand liters n. (xOoA) and ok. 80 thousand liters n. (OoA).

Examples of the use of the word Yoruba in literature.

Fertilized by the rays of the generous sun, washed by powerful showers, the mountain valleys seemed to stand fallow and wait for the settlers - the Ashanti and yoruba, Akan and Mandingo, Wolof, for and Bantu - who finally said goodbye to slavery, having conquered these fabulous lands for themselves in order to form a new multinational community here.

The most striking example is the ritual suicides of the Alafins in yoruba after receiving the symbol of the judgment of the council of the nobility - a parrot egg or an empty calabash.

Eshu is a deity yoruba, a demon prone to bullying, ridicule, however, a mocking deity also existed in the mythology of the American Indians.

Well, Ivan, well done, - said Yoruba, turning to the door and alert.

Complain - allowed Yoruba, connecting the bracelet to the decoder, - punishments are not provided for us either.

This team, so to speak, will secure the rear of our expedition from all sorts of tricks on the part of the Benin obba and any other kings-rulers of the tribes yoruba, Nupe, Hauss and all others.

(in the region of Porto Novo and Ketu, where they are called Naga), in the southeast of Ghana and in Togo (Atakpame region). The total population is 26.2 million people, including 25.5 million in Nigeria, 380 thousand in Benin, 200 thousand in Ghana, and 100 thousand in Togo. The main divisions of the Yoruba are: oyo, ife, idjesha, egba, idjebu, ekiti, ondo. They speak the Yoruba language of the Kwa Niger-Kordofan family. There are several close dialects: oyo, ife, ila, idjebu, ekiti, ondo, egba, ovo, etc. (the dialect of the Yoruba-speaking Itsekiri people is different from them). Literary language based on oyo. Writing based on the Latin alphabet was created in the 19th century by European missionaries. Yoruba - Christians (Protestants, Anglicans, Baptists, Methodists), some Sunni Muslims, many adherents of traditional beliefs.

The ethnogenesis of the Yoruba is not well understood. The Yoruba have several ethnogenetic traditions. There is a hypothesis about the Asian or Egyptian origin of the Yoruba. In the Middle Ages, the Yoruba were the creators of pre- and early state formations in the form of city-states (Ife, Ketu, etc.), the most powerful of which was Oyo, who created an “empire” in the 18th century that stretched from the Niger River in the east to modern Ghana in west. The traditional culture of the Yoruba was distinguished by a fairly high level of development already in the Middle Ages.

The main occupation of the Yoruba is manual slash-and-burn agriculture, with some Yoruba groups also fishing. From food crops, yams, corn, cassava, bananas, various vegetables are grown, in the northern regions - peanuts and millet. The main agricultural tool is a hoe, and modern agricultural machinery is also common. The export crop is cocoa. Cattle breeding is poorly developed due to the infestation of many areas with tsetse flies, the lack of sufficient land for pastures. Breed mainly sheep and goats, as well as poultry.

In the past, hunting played a significant role. At the courts of the Yoruba rulers, there were detachments of hunters who specialized in certain types of hunting - elephants, leopards, antelopes, etc. Crafts have long been developed: blacksmithing, pottery, weaving, weaving, dyeing fabrics. The division of labor is preserved not only by age, but also by gender (yams, for example, are considered a "male" culture). Trade, historically quite highly developed, is carried out by both men and women. Currently, the Yoruba are involved in the modern economy, new specialties are emerging. The working class, the national bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia are developing, whose representatives usually do not break traditional ties and relations. A professional culture has emerged that is rather little known to the general public. The Yoruba make up a significant part of Nigeria's scientific potential. Founded and populated predominantly by Yoruba, the city of Ibadan is home to the largest university in the country and one of the most famous in Africa.

Most Yoruba live in rural areas. However, the Yoruba have long had large fortified cities that performed administrative, commercial and many other functions, a significant part of which has been preserved to this day. The basis of the traditional social organization is the community, consisting of large families, preserved in the cities and has not completely disappeared in them in our time. Traditional craft associations in Yoruba cities often coincided with related associations. Workshops in the European sense of this concept arose only in the colonial and post-colonial eras.

The Yoruba is characterized by a street or linear type of settlement, dwellings are elongated in one or two lines along the street-road. The population of villages ranges from 20 to 4,000 or more; sometimes one village adjoins another. The traditional dwelling is one-story, rectangular in plan. The buildings are either wicker on a wooden frame, or pillared, covered with clay outside and inside. The roof is double or four-sloped, made of straw, palm leaves or corrugated iron. The dominant type of dwelling is a single-chamber undivided building. Several dwellings are built on the territory of a household (agbole), depending on the number of adult male members of a large family and its solvency. There are outbuildings.

Traditional clothing is widespread, clothing made from handmade fabrics is valued. Men's clothing is decorated with embroidery. Various women's headbands. In the cities, European clothing is distributed, as well as “pan-African” embroidered loose clothing that is universal in cut and worn over the head.

Various types of yam tubers are used for food: boiled, fried separately or mixed with various vegetables. Fufu is prepared from yams - a dish that plays the role of bread. Corn is widely used: corn grains are boiled with beans, fried, added to meat or bananas, and porridge is prepared. A large place in the Yoruba diet belongs to bananas: they are fried, mixed with legumes or yams. Manioc is becoming more and more widespread, from which flour is made, cakes are baked. Sweet potato, pumpkin, breadfruit, etc. are also eaten. Sorghum and rice dishes are common in the northern regions. Most of the dishes are very spicy, they put a lot of spices. From meat and fish, various types of roasts are prepared with spicy sauces. For cooking, vegetable oils are used, primarily palm oil. Emu is made from the sap of the oil palm tree. Beer is brewed from corn, bananas and sugarcane.

The Yoruba retain calendar holidays, masquerades, numerous rituals, rituals of the life cycle, accompanied by music, singing, and dancing. Oral folk art is rich, especially poetic and song folklore, extremely diverse in subject matter, fairy tales, myths. Woodcarving and bronze casting stand out among artistic crafts.

The pantheon of the Yoruba - adherents of traditional beliefs consists (according to the most common beliefs) of 401 orisha deities. The supreme deity - Olorun - "master of the sky", Oduduwa - the deity of the earth (and at the same time the ancestor and first ruler of the Yoruba), Olokun - the god of the sea, Ogun - the god of iron and war, the patron of warriors, hunters, blacksmiths, Shango - the god of thunder and lightning and at the same time the fourth legendary ruler of the Yoruba, Ifa - the deity of fortune telling, etc. Currently, the "functions" of traditional deities are expanding: for example, Ogun is now considered the patron of chauffeurs. The fundamental basis of the spiritual life of the Yoruba is historically the cult of ancestors. The secret alliance of Egungun has great weight. The Yoruba also have cults of family patron deities. Magic and scapulimancy are widespread. For the worship of the most powerful deities, there are priests, temples are being built. The Yoruba priesthood has a complex title, although it has never played a big role in public life.

To the Gulf of Guinea): the states of Nigeria, Togo, Benin, Ghana). There is a small diaspora in Canada. The total number is about 40 million people.

Until the European colonization of the African continent in the 15th century, Ile Ife occupied a special position in the history of the West African region, serving as a spiritual center, a model of the socio-political structure and cultural development of the Yoruba people and their neighbors. Urban culture - Ife, monarchy - Ooni, metal smelting, hunting and farming.

The majority of the Yoruba are Christians [ ] and Muslims. The Yoruba also to this day profess the polytheistic religion of Ifa’Orisha, which influenced the birth of such Afro-Caribbean traditions as voodoo, vodun, santeria-lucumi, obea and many others.

Yoruba art is represented by [ Where?] numerous figurines made of wood, bronze and clay, a variety of music (instrumental and responsor-vocal), which left its mark on Latin American musical culture.

Yoruba architecture has its own characteristics that are now being lost. This is due to changes in the Yoruba lifestyle. If earlier it was customary to live in large families and unite houses, building certain complexes of structures, now the situation has changed. Christianity, reforms in culture and education greatly influenced the Yoruba and formed the concept that the family is the basic unit of society. The spread and rooting of monogamy, the separation of families from each other - all this led to the death of those traditions that were formed by the centuries-old way of life.

Speaking about the formation of a nationwide culture and identity, the colonial period should be noted. Then, during the increasing discrimination of the Yoruba by Europeans, a wave of nationalism swept over the people, especially in educated circles. The stay of the missionaries served as an impetus for the development of the language, but before the colonial rule, many communities in Nigeria were not connected either politically or culturally.

However, the Europeans had more of a detrimental effect on Yoruba traditions. So, regarding religion, missionaries, in order to achieve success in propagating their ideas, distorted the structure of the Yoruba religious worldview, destroyed the foundations for various rituals, divination and sacrifices. For example, popular works and songs were rewritten to carry the Christian view of things.

According to legend, the Yoruba came from the east. The legendary ancestor of the Yoruba is Oduduwa.

Genetic studies that found between 0.2% and 0.7% Neanderthal genes in the genomes of the Yoruba and the Mbuti Pygmies, but a calculation error undermined the authors' original conclusion that many Africans carry Neanderthal DNA inherited from the Eurasians, whose ancestors interbreed with this group. The presence of Neanderthal genes in the Yoruba has been confirmed by the referenceless IBDmix method, in which the identity of DNA fragments in two individuals is considered to be indicative of a common ancestor, and the length of the IBD segment depends on how long ago they had a common ancestor.

Archaic introgression from now extinct hominins in the Yoruba genome ranges from 5 to 7.9%.

Geneticists from the University of California at Los Angeles compared 405 West African genomes from the project with the Neanderthal genome from the Croatian Vindia cave and the Denisovan genome, found in the genomes of West African populations (Yoruba from Ibadan (YRI), Esan in Nigeria (ESN), Gambian in western Gambia (GWD) and Mende in Sierra Leone (MSL)) from 2 to 19% of the admixture they received from crossing with a ghostly (ghost) person of about 43 thousand liters. n. (95% confidence interval: from 6000 to 124000 years ago), separated from the ancestor of modern man even before the split of the line of modern people and the line of Neanderthals and Denisovans - up to 625000 years ago. n. (95% confidence interval: 360,000 to 975,000 years ago) .

Genetic studies of the Sahul populations compared with studies of other modern human populations have shown that the Yoruba split from the Papuans of New Guinea c. 90 thousand liters n., and with the rest of the Eurasian populations - 75 thousand years ago. n., which testifies in favor of the hypothesis that the exodus from Africa occurred twice - approx. 120 thousand liters n. (xOoA) and ok. 80 thousand liters n. (OoA)

The Yoruba people live in western Africa. The lands called Yorubaland are now part of Nigeria, Togo, Benin and Ghana. The ancestors of this people created the original Nok culture, the first Iron Age culture on the African continent. Terracotta and bronze figurines of the Nok culture are the pride of the world's leading museums. The Nok culture emerged 900 years before the birth of Christ and suddenly disappeared in the year 200 AD. The Yoruba people, who are the heir to an ancient culture, currently number about 30,000,000 people.

The modern state of NIGERIA is a large country that includes several ethnic groups that speak different languages, have different traditions and religious systems. One of these groups is called the Yoruba, lives mainly in the western part of Nigeria and retains its traditions. In this chapter we will look at her religion.

As in the case of other non-literate cultures with only an oral tradition, it is difficult to pinpoint the exact details of the origin of the Yoruba. One thing is certain - they maintained the continuity of their culture for a very long period of time. Some modern Yoruba place great emphasis on the question of their origins. Some go so far as to talk about connections and proximity to countries in the Middle East. Linguistics and archeology are important tools for such research. We know that the city of Ife was founded about a thousand years ago and has continued to be the religious center of the Yoruba ever since. Whether it is possible to trace the emergence of the Yoruba traditions from the peoples of the Middle East, or whether their culture was generated by the contacts of the natives with migrants from the arid regions beyond the Niger River, is not essential for us, since the subject of the study will be the religious thought and cult practice of the people who have preserved to this day the traditions of their ancient heritage. Who are the Yoruba? Their total number depends on various estimates and ranges from 5 to 10 million. Most live in Western Nigeria, some groups live in Ghana, Togo and Dahomey (now the Republic of Benin). During the slave trade in the XVII-XVIII centuries. many Yoruba were forcibly transported to the New World. The descendants of African slaves retain some aspects of the Yoruba tradition in Cuba, Brazil, and even the United States. Descendants of the Yoruba living in New York still perform rituals in honor of the Yoruba god Shango.

Although all Yoruba speak the same language and share a common view of the world, they are made up of a number of social, political and ethnic groups. Each of them has its own traditions and urban center. Their rulers bear the title of both (leader), combining political and religious power. These centers of urban culture are united by the general concept of Yoru-balend; while the city of Ife is still considered a common religious center, where their traditions originate. Tribal chiefs receive confirmation of their prerogatives from the paramount chief of Ife. Although other cities, such as Oye, had great military and political power at certain historical periods, none of them could rival Ife's cultural and religious preeminence.

The main occupation of the Yoruba is agriculture. Most of the population lives in cities, but they are all surrounded by plots of land cultivated by the townspeople. Temporary dwellings are often erected on these sites, especially if they are located at a great distance from the city, but they are not given the same importance as city houses. The Yoruba did not know such cruel colonial oppression as the Zulu. If the Zulu suffered from English colonialism, and from the invasion of Afrikaners, and from the oppression of the white minority government, which deprived them, like many other indigenous peoples of Africa, of all political rights, then the Yoruba knew only the so-called indirect control. This allowed them to keep their traditional organization almost intact. The British did not allow immigration of white colonists into the country, so the Yoruba never had to deal with the masses of the alien population.

Nevertheless, their culture has experienced external influences. Both Islam and Christianity have taken deep roots in Yoruba society. The influence of Islam for several centuries outstripped the activities of Christian missionaries. Some scholars date the penetration of Islam to the 17th century. The introduction of Christianity dates back to 1842, but its greatest successes were associated with slaves freed by the English fleet from slave ships bound for America - the latter sought to spread it among the local Yoruba residents. The consequence of this was the founding of church missions, and later the emergence of independent Afro-Christian churches or sects. In 1960, Nigeria, of which Yorubaland was an important part, gained independence and became part of the British Commonwealth (Fig. 4). Modern Nigeria appears as a bizarre mixture of old and new. In many cities you can see skyscrapers, universities and banks. But along with these signs of modern life, the Yoruba retain their traditions. It is to them that we now turn.

Yoruba religious system.

As with the Zulu, the origins and history of the Yoruba religion are too complex to be reconstructed at a glance. Therefore, leaving this problem aside, we will focus on the Yoruba view of the world as a whole and dwell on the causes that gave rise to both the unity and diversity of their religious theory and practice. The latter are so complex and multifaceted that some scientists - we will not name them - recommend replacing their study with the study of art. However, these difficulties should not scare us away, especially since Yoruba scholars have already drawn attention to the elements of the unity of the religious world of their people, which determine the nature of their religious activity. In our description of the Yoruba religion, the results of their research will be used.

If the Zulu religious system assumed the performance of ritual ceremonies in the sacred places of the village and on the nearby hills, then among the Yoruba it was dual, in other words, it assumed the existence of one main center and many local sites. On the one hand, it was the sacred city of Ife, concentrating all religious forces, on the other hand, they were in every city, sanctuary, grove or temple, on every rock, tree, hill or crossroads, in the face of every soothsayer, priest, leader and family heads. Ife was the main center because it was here that the deity Orisha-nla performed the first act of creation. But all other places and persons (roles) were also considered sources of power, since their status was sanctioned by Ife.

In each religion there are not only ritual actions, but also persons responsible for their implementation. They either participate in them themselves, or direct them and direct the actions of those who perform them. In this section, we will briefly look at defining the roles involved in Yoruba ritual practice. Every Yoruba home that still venerates religious symbols must have a family altar or shrine. It is here that the head of the family, known as olori ebi, turns to the ritual powers to help him come into contact with the object of worship. Especially important are his relationships with his ancestors, who are seen as a powerful source of strength. No significant event in the family can take place without the participation of Olori ebi. Events such as the birth of a child, the departure of a daughter to be married, or the funeral of a family member, for example, suggest that he presides over the rituals that accompany them. The violation of the rules of the hostel by one of the family members cannot but attract his attention. His duties are to impose the appropriate punishment and perform the necessary rites before the ancestors who might be offended by such a violation. While almost all Zulu ritual ceremonies take place in the village, among the Yoruba they are performed at different levels. The first is home, it is led by the head of the family. The second is urban, here ritual responsibility is assigned to both - the ruler, the king or the supreme leader of the city. According to Yoruba ideas, every ruler traces his origins to Ife, because it was there that the first, most ancient kingdom was founded by the gods. In accordance with tradition, both are endowed with ritual power. Their very position suggests that they are second only to the gods in status and power, and therefore deserve the greatest reverence. Without the presence of both, not a single ritual is performed, i.e. both controls the next level of religious powers after the home. His presence is obligatory at the annual holidays.

The third level is associated with both and the priests of Ife - the center of religious activity. But all these levels are blocked by the priests of the numerous shrines of Yorubaland, who are intermediaries between the world of people and the world of gods. Thus, we are dealing with an extremely complex system of ritual relations and their participants (roles). To understand its meaning, it is necessary to dwell on the role played by the priests in it.

The Yoruba have many gods, and each divine figure has its own circle of priests. One of the categories of priests (or avoros) is soothsayers (babalavo). They connect with Orunmila (the deity associated with ifa practice) through divination and are the ones most often consulted for advice on the most difficult issues. Becoming a babalawo requires a long period of training. But other categories of priests also perform important functions in the Yoruba religious system. They are at the head of numerous sanctuaries and are responsible for the cult of one or another deity in different regions of the country. Each city center has a special deity associated with it, and the inhabitants of the city perform rituals in one or more sanctuaries of this area. to the deity and convey to the people the commands and desires of the gods, and they are also responsible for the organization of the numerous festivals so characteristic of Yorubaland.

In addition to the role of the priest, there is an elegun, an intermediary or medium possessed by spirits. For the Zulu, spiritual possession (through trance, sleep, or calling) was seen as a prerequisite for the role of a soothsayer, while for the Yoruba, anyone could be a conduit of divine powers without becoming a soothsayer. This calling often occurs during religious holidays. Through this ecstatic state, the divine powers are channeled through the medium of the elegun to other worshippers. However, this does not lead to a formal recognition of the ritual role played by the soothsayer, who undergoes many years of training and, most often, marked by a vocation.

The role of a specialist healer (sorcerer) is not much different from the same role in the Zulu religious system. Although the ordinary Yoruba, like the Zulu, have knowledge of healing, the oloogun (specialist in determining the causes of diseases and their cures) plays a key role - he is the true custodian of medical knowledge. It is interesting to note that he usually cooperates with the babalawo, since the latter is also considered an expert in determining the causes of diseases. However, medicine is not an independent area, it receives strength from the gods. In this sense, the oloogun is a conductor of healing power.

Costumed masked dancers who perform at festivals and during important ritual performances are called egungun. To hide their face, they put a thick, almost opaque net over their heads, wear long colored robes and are representatives of their ancestors. Their masks are passed down from generation to generation and are considered to be endowed with great power. The men who wear them participate in special rituals and are believed by the Yoruba to pose a particular danger to women. Only one woman - iiya agan - is allowed to make contact with them, since her duties include watching the clothes of the egunguns.

Each of these roles is supposed to have access to some aspect of the world of spirits and forces. The most specific expression of this world is the Yoruba concept of Orun (sky, or "up"). In the next section on religious forces, we will look at ways in which Orun becomes the seat of such forces.

The Yoruba space is divided into two parts - Orun and Aye (earth), associated with the ritual space. Orun is the sky, the abode of the Supreme God of the Yoruba, known by two names - Olorun and Olodumare. (Further on, we will refer to the Supreme God as Olorun.) This is the dwelling place of other gods, having the common name orisha, ancestors, as well as other sources of religious powers. Aye is the earth, that is, the world where people, animals live, and, in addition, the “children of the world”, called omoraye and responsible for sorcery and witchcraft. Thus, both heaven and earth have many sources of strength. It is more important to imagine how they are connected ritually.

Although the Yoruba cosmology is quite complex and not limited to one central deity or principle, it can be understood by considering the organization of its three main elements on three levels. The main source of power is Olorun. He is the most distant god, his cult practically does not exist, prayers are very rarely offered to him. The other level is represented by the orisha, they are directly addressed with prayers and other ritual activities, and they are ultimately the core of the Yoruba religion. At the next level of power are the ancestors, who are given an important place in the rituals of the family cult. All these sources of power are in complex relationships with each other. First, let's focus on the characteristic features, and then move on to their relationship. The Yoruba word "Olorun" literally means "lord of the sky", they call the highest deity living in heaven. As to its nature and origins, there is no agreement among the Yoruba themselves. Some believe that this is a rather late concept, layered on traditional beliefs under the influence of Christianity and Islam. According to others, this is an ancient, primordially local representation, organically included in the Yoruba picture of the world. According to the supporters of the second point of view, the Yoruba were quite capable of coming to the concept of the Supreme God, regardless of external religious influences.

This diversity of opinion reflects the general problem of Western science about the nature and origin of the Supreme Deity in the development of world religion. Some Western scholars believe that this concept arises at an early stage of religious consciousness. Supporters of the evolutionary theory insist on its late origin, referring to the examples of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. However, whichever theory we adopt, it does not change the essence of the matter, since it can be considered indisputably proven that Olorun played an important role in the Yoruba religious concept and was considered the fundamental level of religious powers. Olorun is the primordial cosmic force. All other forces, such as orisha, ancestors, and in general all manifestations of life, owe their form and being to him. However, he transfers most of his power to other deities. Between him and the world of people there is a complex system of intermediaries.

Thus, Olorun is seen as an "idle", "retired" god who is difficult to approach. Although they prayed to him, no shrines were erected in his honor, there were no rituals addressed directly to him, no propitiatory sacrifices were made to him. Ritual actions were addressed to the deities who were at the next level of power. They acted as intermediaries between the earthly and heavenly worlds and arose in order to serve the purposes of Olorun. Some scholars treat the orishas as minor deities of the Yoruba pantheon. In fact, they were considered by believers as supernatural beings, as an important object of religious worship. A specific feature of the Yoruba religion is that there are many such objects, and their power is ultimately based on the power of the Supreme Deity.

Who are orishas? First of all, they are very numerous, and the number corresponds to the variety of forms that the Yoruba religion takes. The cult of a certain orisha can exist only among a small group of believers in one city, and then a sanctuary is built for him (or her). Another orisha may be of regional importance and is then worshiped at several shrines. Some orishas are worshiped throughout Yorubaland. All this confirms the variety of forms in which Yoruba religious life is expressed.

Orisha is the key moment of this life. Some Yoruba claim there are over four hundred. We will pay attention only to the most significant and well-known throughout the country, the Yoruba. One such orisha, whose cult is ubiquitous, is the Orisha-nla, also known as Obatala. He has many functions, but the most important thing is that he is the creator of the earth, it was he who brought the sixteen people created by Olorun to earth. At the same time, Orisha-nla is believed to have molded and shaped the first human beings and, most interestingly, he is responsible for the existence of albinos, hunchbacks, lame, dwarfs and dumb people. Such deformities and deviations are not considered as misfortune or punishment, on the contrary, these beings are sacred, they are a reproach to the more fortunate, who are obliged to worship the Orisha-nla. Important taboos are associated with it: the prohibition to drink palm wine and come into contact with dogs. The color white is associated with him: they say that he lives in a white palace and wears white robes, worshiping him also dress in white robes. He is the head of the "white gods", of which there are about fifty. However, ambiguity arises here: it is possible that the same gods appear under different names. The cult of Orisha-nla is supported by certain priests, in his honor shrines are erected throughout the country, in which regular sacrifices are made. As already mentioned, the Yoruba have several versions of the act of creation. According to a tradition dating back to the city of Ife, the role of creator commonly associated with the Orisha-nla is given to Oduduwa. Tradition says that Orisha-nla got drunk on palm wine and could not properly fulfill the plans of Olorun, and then Oduduwa had to correct his mistake. If Orisha-nla undoubtedly appears as a male deity, then the status of Oduduwa is not entirely clear. According to some versions, he is an androgyne (bisexual creature) - the "wife" of Orisha-nla. Scientists believe that different versions reflect different layers or stages of traditions, and therefore Oduduwa, in ritual terms, replaces Orisha-nla. As for Oduduwa, it is interesting to note that he was at one time regarded as a human being/ and after death became an ancestor and became an orisha. Orisha-nla is worshiped throughout the Yoruba country, and the shrines of Oduduwa and his cult are predominantly in Ife. But due to the authority of the holy city, he is nevertheless universally revered as an important deity. Orunmila is a deity associated with the practice of ifa, that is, ways to gain information through divination. Some researchers correlate it with the god Ifa, but Yoruba scholars believe that here there is a mixture of divination practice and its object. In any case, Orunmila is a god with extensive knowledge and wisdom, who was present at the creation of the human race and knows its purpose. Therefore, it should be especially noted that he thereby turns out to be a source of information about the future of people and the world. An important element of the Yoruba religious system can be considered ideas about the fate or destiny of mankind, which were predetermined by Olorun at the beginning of creation, but people have forgotten them, and now, as they believe, they can only be rediscovered in the rites of soothsayers (ifa).

Eshu is one of the most controversial Yoruba deities. During the initial contact with the Yoruba religion, Christian missionaries associated him with the concept of the devil, but this is far from an adequate interpretation of his essence, since he, although he personifies some forces of evil, is nevertheless by no means his incarnation. According to Yoruba religious tradition, Eshu taught Orunmil the secrets of divination. In addition, he is one of the powerful conductors of Olorun's power. Its most important function is to find out through tests the characteristics of the character of individuals. He has the power to mediate between heaven and earth, a portion of any orisha sacrifice is separated for Eshu to provide this connection between the two worlds. Failure to fulfill the necessary obligations towards the orisha causes his anger, which is followed by punishment. Conversely, paying due respect to the divine powers entails rewards.

The complexity of Eshu's nature is also manifested in the fact that he tends to provoke believers, those who participate in rituals, to offend orishas without making the necessary sacrifices. But this side of his character can be misinterpreted. The fact is that the consequence of such an insult inflicted by the worshipers will be the offering of the required sacrifices, and this guarantees the continuous veneration of the gods. Although Eshu is considered an important deity and is constantly present in the ideas of believers, he does not have special priests and shrines dedicated to him. But he is revered and always given a place in the course of ritual actions. Thus, he indirectly remains the object of attention in cases where the rituals are addressed to other orishas.

Eshu is able to remain a mediator between heaven and earth precisely because it combines the forces of good and evil, reverence and neglect, that it stimulates both ritual worship and resentment. The contradictory nature of his nature allows him to play the key role of an intermediary between the numerous levels of forces in the Yoruba religion, between the world of divine and earthly forces. So, Eshu is an ambiguous and controversial god. A trickster, a troublemaker, a rude person, a punishing or rewarding character, a source of wisdom and knowledge, a disturber of peace and order, an intermediary - all these epithets can be attributed to him. The inability to understand the role of Eshu in the Yoruba religious system is born from the inability to understand the essence of this world. Eshu may be one of the most difficult Yoruba gods to understand, while Ogun is one of the most enigmatic. He is considered either one of the original gods, or an ancestor who became a god. A careful examination of its characteristic features may help to solve this riddle.

Religious tradition of Ife considers Ogun its first ruler. Recall that, according to the Yoruba tradition, all kings trace their origins to the first king of Ife, where the world was founded and where the gods first manifested their powers. It is assumed that, having established himself as the first ruler of Ife and the surrounding territories, Ogun became their paramount leader. The people were obliged to obey and honor him. However, not everyone showed him due respect. From such an insult, Ogun lost his temper and began to kill his subjects. Realizing the sad consequences of his actions, he stabbed himself with his own sword and disappeared into the bowels of the earth. His last words were a promise to respond to the call of those who would turn to him in cases of emergency.

According to modern Yoruba tradition, Ogun is the god of iron and war. There is a belief that it was Ogun who, with the help of his iron ax, cleared the way for the gods when they came to earth. He has a special relationship with those who create tools and tools, and with everything related to their use. The Yoruba believe that the discovery of metals and the invention of tools was preceded by an act of creation, but nevertheless they consider this discovery as an important step towards progress. True, they can be used for both destructive and constructive purposes. Since they contain both divine and human principles, both worlds - the world of gods and the world of people - could be created only as a result of this great discovery, which was reflected in the status of Ogun. He is connected with both heaven and earth; his abode is both in heaven and on earth (or under earth). He is at the same time a living god and a dead ancestor. If the gods are placed on the line descending from Olorun to the ancestors, Ogun's place will be on the side branch between the gods and the ancestors. It is this position that allows Ogun to stand for justice, both gods and people. In legal proceedings, those Yoruba who adhere to their traditional customs, taking an oath to tell only the truth, kiss a piece of iron in the name of Ogun. Due to this association with metals, drivers of all kinds of cars place the image of Ogun in them as a talisman to prevent accidents and ensure their safety. We have already said how important the place of ancestors is in the Zulu religion, they play no less a role in the Yoruba religion. We have also noted the clear distinction the Zulu make between the Sky God (and Sky Princess) and sacred ancestors. In the Yoruba religion, not only the world of the gods is divided into two spheres - the Supreme God and the orisha, but the world of the ancestors also has its own division.

Yoruba ancestors are viewed as conductors of religious forces, capable of bringing both good and evil to their descendants. Therefore, they are revered, given them high respect, special sanctuaries are built and ritual ceremonies are performed in order to maintain a strong relationship with them.

There are two categories of ancestors - family and deified. We will consider each of them separately. Like the Zulu, not all the dead become ancestors, at least not ancestors who are revered and whose cult is actively maintained. To do this, they must have certain qualities. For a family ancestor, the most important quality was determined by whether he (or she) led a virtuous life, which gave the status of orun rere, which literally means "stay in good heaven", that is, in the world of Olorun and orisha. Another necessary condition was the achievement of old age, since it proved that the ancestor had fulfilled his earthly destiny. Another condition was the presence of noble descendants who do not forget about the veneration of their ancestors and continue to perform the necessary rituals in honor of them.

Family ancestors are revered and rituals are performed; they are represented by the Egunguns - the Yoruba believe that their ancestors are embodied in these costumed dancers. They take on the role of mediators between families and deceased ancestors. On special occasions, for example, on holidays, in the faces of many egunguns, all the ancestors, as it were, who returned to earth, can be represented. In all regions of the country, the Yoruba are looking forward to their appearance, they become the culmination of the holiday of the entire community and at the same time can be associated with the start of agricultural work - sowing seeds for next year's harvest.

Deified ancestors are not associated with individual families, but with the history of cities or important milestones in the development of Yoruba culture. Their shrines are not in houses, but in cities, often all over the country. Some scholars, however, tend to regard them as orishas. Regardless of the choice of term, these ancestors are a powerful source of strength, so most of the ritual rites are dedicated to them. These include Shango, Orisha-oko, and Ayelaye, who occupy a special position in the Yoruba religion, although their influence does not extend throughout Yorubaland. Shango is associated mainly with lightning, Orisha-oko with agriculture, and Ayelaye with punishments for breaking traditions. It is interesting to note that in the legends of the Yoruba, the idea of ​​their earthly origin is preserved, but their abilities as supernatural beings acting as conductors of good or evil forces are not called into question, which determines the need to support their cult.

We have looked at the places of worship of the Yoruba, the various roles of its participants, and the levels of spiritual powers they invoke in various rituals. To understand more clearly how they relate to each other, it is necessary to refer to the system of their connections, in other words, to the concept of intermediaries. In the religious system of the Yoruba, the role of intermediaries is exceptionally great. Mediation takes place in a variety of contexts, involves many actors and draws on multiple sources of power. The first of these contexts was the family. As we already know, the head of the family played a key ritual role here, one of the most important functions of which was to maintain relations with ancestors. He thus acted as a channel of communication with the ancestors, that is, he acted as an intermediary between heaven and earth, placing special emphasis on family ancestors. On the one hand, he represented his people before the ancestors, performed sacrifices on their behalf, on the other hand, he represented the ancestors, informing family members about their obligations towards them.

However, in special cases, the ancestors were represented not by the head of the family, but by the Egungun. One such event could be the death of an important family member. Egungun left the house of the deceased, imitating the gait and manner of the deceased, and conveyed the "message" of the dead to living family members. The second context (or place) where mediation was manifested was the sanctuary. Here the main role belonged to the priest, who acted as an intermediary between the members of the cult and the specific orisha Gak for example, if it was the orisha Orunmila, the divination deity, the babalawo served as a link between him and those who worshiped him as the guardian of fate.

The third mediation option was carried out in the context of the city. Here the mediator was the leader, who, by virtue of his descent from the first rulers of Ife, is able to represent the entire population of the city and its environs before the orisha. His role as mediator takes on many forms of expression. For example, during the holidays, he led the procession, and his very appearance confirmed the presence of the orisha. Moreover, some holidays cannot be held without the participation of such an intermediary. The fourth context of mediation was the ritual process itself, during which one orisha needed an intermediary between the participant in the ritual and another orisha. The most obvious example of this is the role of the orisha Eshu, who - although he had no specially dedicated shrines - was always worshiped by making sacrifices to other orishas. Neglecting the mediating role of Eshu could disrupt the ties between the worshipers and the world of sacred forces.

The diagram (Fig. 5) reveals the nature of the organization and distribution of the characters involved in the rituals and religious forces that play an important role in the Yoruba religious system. It shows two levels of forces within which there are numerous centers. The first level, named after Orun, is represented by Olorun (Supreme Brg) and orishas - deities subordinate to him, who, however, are the object of ritual worship. There is also a level of familial and divine ancestors. They differ from each other in that only their direct descendants worship the former, while the cult of deified ancestors is maintained not by the family, but by a separate community. This last cult goes beyond the familial (his ancestors and orishas), and therefore the sacrifices dedicated to him are performed in a different context. Thus, an individual may offer sacrifices to a family ancestor within his family, to deified ancestors at a local shrine, and to an orisha at a regional or "nationwide" shrine. However, in order to achieve the desired result, all these sacrifices need a mediator, or at least a process of mediation.

The second level of forces is personified by Aye (earth). Here the center of power is represented by those who worship, such as the Omorai - sorcerers and sorcerers known as "children of the earth." They are not orisha, but they are able to carry out their destructive plans through the impact on individuals. The second context (or place) where mediation was shown was the sanctuary. Here the main role belonged to the priest, who acted as an intermediary between the members of the cult and a specific orisha. So, for example, if it was the orisha Orunmila, the divination deity, the babalawo served as a connecting element between him and those who worshiped him as the guardian of fate.

The third mediation option was carried out in the context of the city. Here the mediator was the leader, who, by virtue of his descent from the first rulers of Ife, is able to represent the entire population of the city and its environs before the orisha. His role as mediator takes on many forms of expression. For example, during the holidays, he led the procession, and his very appearance confirmed the presence of orishas. Moreover, some holidays cannot be held without the participation of such an intermediary. The fourth context of mediation was the ritual process itself, during which one orisha needed an intermediary between the ritual participant and another orisha. The most obvious example of this is the role of the orisha Eshu, who - although he had no specially dedicated shrines - was always worshiped by making sacrifices to other orishas. Neglecting the mediating role of Eshu could disrupt the ties between the worshipers and the world of sacred forces.

The variety of contexts in which mediation between the Yoruba and this world was realized confirms the existence of a complex religious structure of their life and reflects the many forms of their ritual activity that this structure predetermines. In cases where a believer seeks to know his fate, paying tribute to the dead, making sacrifices or participating in religious processions, mediation takes place, the purpose of which is to establish a connection between him and the object of his worship.

The diagram (Fig. 5) reveals the nature of the organization and distribution of the characters involved in the rituals and religious forces that play an important role in the Yoruba religious system. It shows two levels of forces within which there are numerous centers. The first level, named after Orun, is represented by Olorun (Supreme God) and orishas - deities subordinate to him, who, however, are the object of ritual worship.

There is also a level of familial and divine ancestors. They differ from each other in that only their direct descendants worship the former, while the cult of deified ancestors is maintained not by the family, but by a separate community. This last cult goes beyond the familial (his ancestors and orishas), and therefore the sacrifices dedicated to him are performed in a different context. Thus, an individual may offer sacrifices to a family ancestor within his family, to deified ancestors at a local shrine, and to an orisha at a regional or "nationwide" shrine. However, in order to achieve the desired result, all these sacrifices need a mediator, or at least a process of mediation. The second level of forces is personified by Aye (earth). Here the center of power is represented by those who worship, such as the Omorai - sorcerers and sorcerers known as "children of the earth." They are not orisha, but they are able to carry out their destructive plans through the impact on individuals. Having described the roles and forces, the processes of mediation, and the various "situations in which they operate, we now turn to the specific circumstances in which all these factors are realized. And this is what is most typical of Yoruba religious practice - divination (or ifa ).

Rituals of divination and prediction of fate.

THE YORUBA KNOW MANY FORMS OF DISCLOSURE. The most common and revered is the use of oracles. Observing them, it is easy to see that there are three elements here: the soothsayer, usually bearing the title of babalawo, the ritual objects that he uses, and the person who turned to him. To understand their interaction, it is necessary to dwell on the Yoruba concept of the personality of the soothsayer and his client, on the process of divination and the objects used in it.

According to Yoruba religious ideas, man is both a material and spiritual being. His physical essence is denoted by the word ara, which literally translates as “body.” The spiritual essence appears in two forms, the first is called emi (breath), the second is called ori (head). Without the first force that gives life to the body, a person could not exist. Without the second, ori, a person could not think and enter into communication with the world of religious forces. One of the important functions of ori is connected with the choice of a life path. Each person before his birth chooses his (or her) individuality, in which his future life, that is, "fate", is predetermined. Having a heavenly origin, she becomes the guardian of a person and is identified with his ancestor.

Therefore, a person can be considered as a reincarnation of one of his ancestors. Each, thanks to his spiritual essence, traces his origins from the sphere of ancestors, that is, the world of Orun. However, coming to the earthly world is accompanied by a loss of memory of one's life purpose. The memory must be hidden or re-opened. This problem is solved by turning to the soothsayer. Therefore, turning to the oracle through the soothsayer, each Yoruba tries to understand his fate. Although it is predetermined, it nevertheless needs protection, which can be provided through ritual actions and the use of information received through the soothsayer. Under certain conditions, fate can be modified. So, the Yoruba refer to the soothsayer (babalawo). What does he represent? Babalawo is one of the many priests in the Yoruba religion, as every deity needs their mediation. He has an axial relationship with the god Orunmila. The term "babalawo" itself literally means "father of the mystery". This is a priest who acts as an intermediary between people and gods in the process of divination and reveals human destinies.

Consider the process of divination and the objects used in it. When the Yoruba wants to go to an oracle, he goes to a soothsayer who makes the necessary preparations for the ritual of divination. This includes items such as sixteen kola nuts (or "fortune-telling chain"), a fortune-telling tray or board, and a powder intended for this purpose. If the soothsayer chose the “stake method” (it is considered more reliable than the “chain”), then he put the nuts in his left hand, and with his right he tried to grab as many of them as possible. In the case when only one nut remained in his left hand, he made a double mark on the powder scattered on the fortune-telling tray. If two nuts remained, then he drew one line, and if there were no nuts left at all or more than two remained, then this was not noted in any way. The goal was to complete two columns with four rows of marks each.

There are 256 possible combinations like the one above. Each such series of signs is associated with some kind of moralizing story or parable. Babalawo must know at least four parables (ode) for each of the combinations. An experienced soothsayer remembers them much more - his professional level and wisdom are determined by their number. As soon as the required number, which makes up the combination, is reached and the appropriate parable is selected, the soothsayer tells the client exactly what actions he should perform. Their integral part is almost always a sacrifice, which is considered an indispensable condition and the basis for establishing a connection with religious forces. The ritual of divination, therefore, presupposes the presence of a number of obligatory components and the presence of certain persons, an idea of ​​the world order, in which the forgotten and open destiny and place of a given person must be included; actions that must be taken so that his fate fulfills what is destined for her; the method for determining these actions; the presence of a priest who is a specialist in solving the problem and finding the necessary means for this, and, finally, the presence of a client with his problem. Understanding the operation of these key elements allows you to get closer to the Yoruba ideas about the fate of a person, to understand how it can be predicted and contribute to its realization. The concept of fate, however, is not limited to the individual, it also extends to the future of the entire community, the continuation and maintenance of its vitality. In a society where agriculture remains the main human activity, the most important annual event with which its existence (that is, fate) is directly connected is the harvest. Nowhere else do we find such a finely worked out system that maintains balance and links gods and men so clearly and directly. A rich harvest provides prosperity, a bad one threatens with famine.

One of the most important agricultural plants of the Yoruba is the yam, the staple of their diet, on which the well-being of the people largely depends. Since there is supposed to be a close relationship between orishas, ​​ancestors, and humans, they are all involved in caring for the harvest. The yam gathering holidays create the conditions for maintaining and strengthening these ties, and the fate of the future harvest largely depends on the roles of people and sacred forces. One such festival, known throughout Yorubaland as Eje5, celebrates the harvest of the new yam crop. An important role in this annual holiday is played by the god of the sea Malokun. Some other characters are also involved in it, and levels of religious forces - from ancestors to gods.

The holiday lasts two days and consists of a successive series of rituals - purification, performance, divination and thanksgiving. On the first day, the most important is the rite of purification of those places where other ritual actions will have to be performed, primarily the sacred grove and sanctuary. The yam collected at the (both) ruler's site is piled up and then, during a ritual ceremony, it is presented as a gift to the respective religious forces. A portion of the yam is placed in the shrine of the orisha Malokun. After it is loudly announced, people gather to joyfully welcome the new harvest. The New Year must come along with it, and therefore the priest offers prayers to the sanctuary so that it becomes plentiful. As night falls on the first day of the Ece festival, when the yam has already been placed in the sanctuary, the people left outside give praise to all religious forces, especially the ancestors, and make sacrifices in the form of palm wine and kola nuts. Although the yam is already in the sanctuary, it has not yet been formally sacrificed and has not participated in the divination ritual. The rite of bringing gifts of the orisha includes a series of successive actions. Both and the priests, in order to purify themselves, must abstain from food during the day. On the morning of the second day, both, dressed in white clothes, sacrifice a white stake nut and a white dove and, together with the priests, pray to Malokun. Then the procession goes to the sanctuary, where yams are now offered as a sacrifice to Malokun and the ancestors.

The culmination of the holiday is a fortune-telling rite, during which the future fate of the entire community and, in particular, the harvest of the coming year should be revealed. The yam root of the new crop is divided into two parts, both halves are thrown and watched as they lay down. It is considered a good omen if one of them falls "face" up, and the other - down. If both turn out to be turned the same way, indifferently, up or down with a cut, then this portends misfortune.

The next rite of divination takes place in a sacred grove and basically repeats the one just described: a yam is broken into two halves, which are thrown and watched as they fall, in order to indulge in joy or sadness, depending on this. Then all the participants, together with the priests, go to the palace, where they are met by both. He leads a procession that dances around the city, stopping in front of each of the many shrines where local deities are worshipped. Orisha sacrifices are performed in each of them. This ends the fast of both and the priests, and the general fun begins. The city is considered to be ritually cleansed, yams are sacrificed, the future is predicted, orishas and ancestors are presented with gifts. The New Year begins with the ritual planting of yams, when, as a result of the prediction, there is confidence in the fate of the future harvest.

Life cycle steps.

In order to better understand the Yoruba religious system, it is necessary to dwell on its relation to the most important events in the fate of a person. We will consider the life path of one person from birth to death, noting its main stages and how it manifests itself in them. This information comes from interviews with Yoruba informants. Let's call this person Ogunbode "Akinsaya, the first part of his name is religious, the second is family.

His mother, feeling pregnant, first of all turned to the soothsayer of her city (babalavo). She was guided by two reasons: firstly, the desire to know the life purpose (fate) of the unborn child, and secondly, to get a recommendation regarding special drugs that would ensure a successful birth, and to understand what prohibitions she needs to comply with. The choice of potions depended on two persons - a soothsayer and a healer (oloogun). After receiving answers from them, she returned home and began to prepare for the birth of a child. Shortly after the birth, the newborn was brought to the babalawo, who again performed the divination ritual to find out his fate. Having received the answers, the parents made sacrifices in the sanctuary of the orisha Ogun, since it was with him that the Ogunbode family was most closely connected, whose religious life centered around this deity. The sacrifice made by the parents of the child was considered a guarantee that the relationship established with Ogun would help them cope with possible misfortunes and dangers. In order to completely avoid them, they did not forget to allocate a share for Eshu - this powerful and unpredictable orisha. Since Ogunbode was a boy, he was given a name on the ninth day after birth. If a girl were born, the "naming" ceremony would take place on the seventh day, and in the case of the birth of twins, on the eighth. The name Ogunbode was chosen by the parents due to their special relationship with Ogun. It was one of the names assigned in the name of this god, such as, for example, Ogunlake, Ogundolam, Ogunyale, Ogunsanya and Ogundele. Thus, the choice of the name itself contributed to the immediate formation of the links of its bearer with the divine world.

From birth, certain types of food remained forbidden for Ogunbode. Parents learned from the soothsayer what he can and cannot eat. These taboos, however, were not permanent: growing up, Ogunbode could decide for himself what food he could refuse, especially in cases where others eat it. He did not live with his father and mother, but with his grandfather, who was considered the head of the house (ollori ebi) and therefore was directly related to the family ancestors. From a very early age, the boy was instilled with the rules of ritual and family behavior, mandatory for every Yoruba who remains faithful to the traditions of his ancestors. In addition to religious traditions, his grandfather taught him to cultivate the land, since the family had its own plot outside the city area. Until the age of two, Ogunbode was circumcised. No religious ceremonies (related to ancestors or orishas) were held in this connection. This procedure was considered rather as a necessary operation, essential for the fulfillment of future family responsibilities - without this, not a single Yoruba male could marry.

From the first days of his life, Ogunbode was considered a member of his age group. This meant that boys of approximately the same age, as it were, formed their own community. The same was the case with the girls. Throughout his life, his friends and acquaintances maintained certain relationships with each other, belonging to such a group.

Many Yoruba believe that there are only three really important stages in a person's life: birth, marriage and death. After circumcision, not a single event in the life of Ogunbode had religious significance until he wanted to get married. When that moment came, he was faced with a choice: enter into an arranged marriage (assuming that his parents had already agreed with another family long before that) or inform them of his desire and ask them to start negotiations with the family of the future bride. In this case, Ogunbode fell in love with a girl from the same city, and therefore turned to his father and mother with a request to enter into negotiations. At this stage, the role of mediator acquired particular importance. As already mentioned, the institution of mediation was of exceptional importance not only in the religious, but also in the everyday life of the Yoruba. In the ritual aspect, its main task was to establish relations between the earthly and divine worlds, in cases of marriage - between the family clans of the bride and groom. In situations like this, the role of the mediator (usually a woman called the alarena) was to ensure that nothing was wrong in the long and complicated negotiation process. In particular, she had to find out all the necessary details regarding the family of the future bride. Usually such negotiations took a long time; the attitude of the bride's parents was decisive in them, on which their successful or unsuccessful completion ultimately depended. The mediator managed to convince them of the decency and good morals of Ogunbode, and his parents - of the merits of his future wife, which made it possible to begin the necessary preparations. At this stage, the parents of the bride approached the soothsayer in the presence of the alaren in order to ascertain the fate of the marital union, which - and both families were convinced of this - was already predetermined by the orisha. In this case, the soothsayer predicted a happy marriage and numerous offspring to the young couple. Not doubting the prediction, but seeking to confirm its fulfillment, Ogunbode went to the sanctuary of Ogun and brought sacrifices to him and Ash.

When all the necessary actions were completed, Ogunbode was ready to meet his bride for the first time, and his parents, confident in the prosperous future of the newlyweds, negotiated a bride price through an intermediary. Then a date was set for the wedding, which could take place on the seventh, fourteenth, or twenty-first day after all preparations had been completed. On the day of the wedding, separate, independent ceremonies take place on the territory of each family. In the bride’s house, before the start of the feast with refreshments and dancing, women perform a ritual called “okun iyava” - they cry and say in recitative: “I am leaving for my husband’s house; pray that I have children." In the groom's village, general fun reigns with plentiful refreshments, libation and dancing in anticipation of the appearance of the bride. To receive blessings from their ancestors, the heads of families make sacrifices in both villages. Before leaving the house of her parents, the bride visits the head of her family, along with all those accompanying her, during the wedding ceremonies. They respectfully sit around the elder and listen as he prays to the ancestors on behalf of the bride.

At this time, women from the groom's village should approach the bride's village, but not enter it, but wait outside, continuing to sing: "We are ready to receive our wife." Hearing the singing, the bride realizes that the time has come for her departure. She covers her head with a cloth, and the attendants take her out and hand them over to the newcomers to take her to the house of a new family.

At the entrance to the house, a calabash is placed in a conspicuous place, which the bride must break with a strong blow. The number of shards will indicate how many children she will have. Before entering the house, her feet are washed, and then she is led to the oldest woman in the family. The latter takes her to the head of the family and introduces her as the youngest wife, after which she introduces her to other family members. All this time Ogunbode was absent. He was forbidden to be in the house during the presentation ceremony: it was considered important that the bride get to know the family and its elders and feel like a member of it. Moreover, the groom was not allowed to meet her on the first, and sometimes on the second day of the wedding, and only on the third day he could see her for the first time and in the evening of that day stay with her as with his wife.

Ogunbode lived to a ripe old age. After the death of his father, he became the head of the family. When he died, all family members were notified. Unlike the funeral of a child or a young man, whose death was considered as the result of the influence of the forces of evil, his funeral could be postponed until all relatives, including those who had come from afar, had gathered.

During his lifetime, Ogunbode loved to hunt, so after his death they shot guns into the air, and some men went to the forest to hunt, where they tried to shoot an elephant in memory of him. Ogunbode's body was washed and placed in a hut. He was dressed in the best clothes and laid on a bed specially made from the most expensive woods. The grave was supposed to be on the territory of the village. If he had been a Christian, he would have been buried in the local cemetery. However, not all Yoruba Christians agreed to this, since according to tradition it was believed that it was better to be buried where ancestors live and relatives live. Since Ogunbode was "dedicated to Ogun", the issue of his Christian burial was not even raised. His grave was dug by other followers of Ogun. Since Ogunbode died elderly, there was no need to seek the advice of a soothsayer. Only in the case of the death of a young man, relatives went to the babalavo to find out the cause of premature death. The priests of the Ogun sanctuary also participated in the burial. After the body was placed on a specially made bed, placed in the grave in advance, they prayed, asking to accept the deceased to “good heaven” (“orun rere”), since he had earned a place among his ancestors, and made a sacrifice to Ogun. Then Egungun appeared from the hut of Ogunbode and danced around the village. The ritual ended with a feast and dancing, after which the relatives who came from afar began to disperse. A new sanctuary was erected at the burial place, where prayers and praises were addressed to the new ancestor. Thus, Ogunbode, as an ancestor, continued to live in the village and made his presence felt in various ways.

No religious system remains unchanged in the course of time - new conditions and discoveries change it to a large extent. Perhaps the most serious challenge for her is contacts with other systems. This applies to all religions, and the Yoruba religion, like the Zulu religion, is no exception. Long before the advent of Islam and Christianity, it was in the process of constant change. Indeed, the term "Yoruba" itself appeared relatively recently - in the 19th century, when it began to denote a large group of closely related peoples. Islam and Christianity are two completely different religious systems to which the Yoruba reacted differently. Individuals converted to these religions, others tried to preserve their traditions, still others created new religious forms, interpreting newly accepted ideas in terms of their traditions. These varied reactions led to an extraordinary diversity in the manifestations of Yoruba religious life. We will take a closer look at the religious movement of Aladur, which helps to understand that such movements are not just a reaction to new systems of symbolism, but truly religious creativity. Such an interpretation of old ideas allows us to preserve the essence of the previous religious structure.

Although Christianity was firmly established in Yorubaland, the control of missionary churches over religious activities and worship caused rejection among local Christians. This is evidenced by the emergence of the Aladur movement. Initially, it did not oppose itself to Christianity, spreading among the Yoruba forms of its liturgy and organization.

There were two types of Aladur's church - apostolic and visionary. The organization and activity of the apostolic church differed little from the canons of the missionary, while the visionary was freer in its manifestations. There is still debate among scholars as to whether these movements can be regarded as Christian, while the missionary church naturally considers them almost heretical. However, the question of their belonging to the Christian religion is beyond the scope of this study. For us, their activities are of interest as an example of the creative possibilities and flexibility of the traditional Yoruba religious system. One way or another, regardless of their relationship with Christianity, they remain Yoruba.

Now let's turn to the religious movement of Aladur, or the Church of the Seraphim (the full name is "The Eternal Sacred Order of Cherubim and Seraphim"). In 1925, a fifteen-year-old girl named Abiodun Akinsowon received a religious vocation while watching the Corpus Christi (Body of Christ) procession in Lagos, which had the goal of glorifying the presence of Christ in the sacrament of the Eucharist (communion). According to her confession, one of the angels who supported the canopy, under which the sacred gifts were carried, followed her home. There she fell into ecstasy and had a vision: the heavens opened before her, she received a revelation and successfully passed the tests given to her in a state of possession. A man named Moses Orimolade was sent to pray for her. Akinsowon came out of a state of ecstasy and soon, with the help of Orimolade, she founded a society, the name of which is Egbe Serafi (church or society of seraphim), and the goals and methods of its organization and activities were given in revelation. The society prospered and gained a large following, drawn to its focus on prayer and healing. It opposed the use of traditional potions, clay images of Yoruba gods and rituals. The movement became well known, in part, for holding annual processions in honor of the initial revelation. Although Akinsowon was the first to receive the revelation, Orimolade became the head of the movement, and she became his assistant, calling herself Captain Abiodun. Subsequently, disagreements arose between them, which led to the formation of various offshoots or sects throughout the country, although the movement as a whole has retained its influence up to the present day.

From the very beginning, it has attached the utmost importance to prayer. The name Aladur itself means "prayers", and its participants are firmly convinced that God will always answer the prayers of his followers. It also emphasized the importance of dreams and visions, which were seen as a source of knowledge, showing the way, revealing the causes and ways to overcome difficulties. Thus, the participants in the movement could focus on certain problems, and special time was allotted for the interpretation of dreams and visions. We have already mentioned that the Seraphim Society did not try to replace the Christian church, but supported it by emphasizing the importance of prayer in everyday life. It retains the Christian imagery, but makes adjustments to it. An example is one of his hymns.

Witches can't hurt us
Under the protection of the army of Christ,
Before Seraphim
All the witches run
Saint Michael (archangel) - Head of our society
These lines reveal the essence of the Society of Seraphim, and this, it would seem, easily makes it possible to identify it with Christianity. However, this interpretation cannot explain its popularity among the Yoruba. To a large extent, it rather depended on the ability of traditional forms to transform under specific conditions, taking into account the national characteristics of the character of the people. It is no coincidence that many adherents of the Aladura movement joined him, having become disillusioned with other Christian churches.

One of the attractive features of the movement was the transformation of traditional concepts and symbols. So, for example, the existence of the power of sorcerers and witches was not denied, but the Archangel Michael could put them to flight. The effectiveness of traditional potions was not questioned, but it was surpassed by the power of Christ. One of the reasons the Aladur movement was so appealing to Yoruba Christians was because it emphasized the healing power of Christ as a substitute for drugs. Although conventional medicine has been attacked, the traditional notion of the healing power of the ritual context has not been forgotten. Aladura transformed ways of thinking and healing, but did not deny its significance and offered its own means for it. The Aladur movement did not know divination in the traditional sense, but its emphasis on dreams and visions reflected the continuing interest in fortune-telling characteristic of the traditional system. The Aladur devotee, just like the traditionally oriented Yoruba, was interested in the future and wanted to know how to act in order to maintain confidence in it. The fate of man was still in the hands of God. If flexibility was inherent in traditional Yoruba systems in the past (for although fate was predetermined, it could be changed by making a sacrifice), then a new movement showed it too: fate could be influenced by prayers and visions. God answers all calls, therefore, turning to him with a prayer, you can change your life. Processions have always been common among the Yoruba, for example, the central moment of the Eje festival was a procession led by both. It is not surprising that she created the conditions for the revelation received by Abiodun. Processions were an important element of many annual celebrations. Pilgrimages to sacred groves and hills were widespread events of the year. The churches of Aladur also used processions to express new religious ideas. And we should not be surprised that an angel acted as the mediator of the revelation of Abiodun - he became the material embodiment of the source of forces, which has always been characteristic of the expression of Yoruba religious ideas. The mission of Archangel Michael can be seen as a transformation of the Yoruba concept of mediation. Michael and other archangels in a certain sense have a connection with the earth, air, fire and water and are considered the guardians of the gates of heaven (paradise). They perform the same intermediary functions that the orishas performed in the traditional Yoruba religion. All this is evidence of the flexibility of the Yoruba religious system, its ability to transform traditional forms into new ones under new conditions.

The culture of the Yoruba people, unlike most African cultures, has not been invaded by white emigrants. The British, whose colonies covered the lands of the Yoruba people, did not support emigration to these colonies. It is for this reason that the traditions of the Yoruba people remain practically unchanged. One of the most amazing Yoruba traditions is the "extended family". All adult men are considered fathers, and women are mothers. Therefore, the Yoruba concept of orphanhood is absent.

An important tradition of the people is also sexual contact before marriage. For white Christians, this custom seems not only strange, but even blasphemous. The fact is that in the process of performing the courtship ritual, a woman must prove her ability to have children. That is, the first sexual contacts necessarily occur before marriage. However, when a woman becomes pregnant, the father of the child is simply obliged to marry her. It is impossible to avoid this duty, the whole society will force the father to follow the law. Thus, the Yoruba also lack single mothers.

Formally, most of the people are either Sunni Muslims or Christians. In fact, the Yoruba religious beliefs are based on a traditional African cult. The religious tradition of the Yoruba is quite complex, and, according to various estimates, has up to 10,000 years. It recognizes the existence of a single chief creator god. True, in the view of the Yoruba, the creator god Olorun retired from affairs and does not interfere in human life. Therefore, he is rarely prayed to, and the cult of worship of Olorun is practically absent. The Yoruba Orisha pray. Orisha - a kind of African concept, these are some emanations of the creator god, helping to maintain the relationship between people and heaven.

One of the main orishas is Obatal. It was he who created the Earth, and he brought to it those first sixteen people whom he had previously molded from clay. He is also responsible for the appearance of hunchbacks, albinos and other deformities. According to the Yoruba religious tradition, ugliness is not a punishment or misfortune, it is just a reminder to the more fortunate of the need to worship Obatal. True, in the process of making the Earth and people, who carried out the plan of Olorun, Obatal regularly applied to palm wine, and did a lot badly. Olorun had to correct his shortcomings, since then the Yoruba people have had a strict taboo on drinking wine.

The bulk of the black slaves were supplied to America from the lands of Yorubaland. There they were able to preserve their religious traditions. Fancifully intertwining them with Catholicism, they even created new cults. Among the black inhabitants of Cuba, as well as Cuban emigrants in the United States, Santeria, which synthesized ancient African beliefs and Christianity, became widespread. Interestingly, it is impossible to count the number of adherents of Santeria - they sincerely consider themselves Catholics. However, it is difficult to call their rites Christian.

The main ceremony of Santeria is the "feeding" of sacred stones. Three times a year every worshiper of religion must participate in a ceremony lasting three days. In the process of "feeding" the blood of sacrificial animals is sprinkled on the stones. Then they are washed with magical infusion. Each stone has its own animal and its own infusion.

On Sundays and holidays, Santeria worshipers gather in prayer rooms equipped in the houses of their clergy. During these rites, ritual dances are performed to the sound of special ritual drums hollowed out from a whole tree trunk, called bata.

They often end with one or more dancers falling into a trance state. Such people begin to pronounce phrases consisting of unrelated, and often meaningless words. It is believed that a person who fell into a trance was possessed by one of the orishas. And the task of the sorcerer is to interpret his prophecy. Followers of traditional Christianity would consider such prayers sacrilegious or "witch's coven". However, the Yoruba heirs consider themselves devout Catholics.

The voodoo religion that arose among the Yoruba slaves in Haiti is based on the fusion of ancient African beliefs and Christianity, with its dark rituals and the resurrection of the dead in the form of zombies. Interestingly, most of the Yoruba living in Africa are engaged in agriculture, but at the same time live in cities. Fields surround every Yoruba town. In remote areas even houses are sometimes erected. But they are nothing compared to the main city house, which houses the altar, on which the head of the family regularly makes orisha sacrifices.

In the southern part of Western Sudan, on the coast of Upper Guinea - from the Ivory Coast to the mouth of the Niger - live peoples who speak the languages ​​​​of the Guinean group and, undoubtedly, have a common origin: Kru, Baule, Ashanti, Ewe, Yoruba, for, Nupe, etc. The ancient history of these peoples is still unknown. The first written reports on the history of the peoples of the Upper. Guineas belong to the Portuguese and Dutch travelers of the XV-XVI centuries. The only source for reconstructing earlier Yoruba history is the oral tradition of official Arokin historians. These legends are semi-legendary in nature and date back to no later than the 12th-13th centuries. These traditions nevertheless give reason to believe that a fairly developed culture existed within the boundaries of modern Southern Nigeria many centuries ago.

During random excavations in the Yoruba country, bronze and terracotta figurines and heads were found. Among them there are things that are so perfect in terms of technique and exceptional realism that they can be put on a par with the best works of art of ancient Egypt and Europe. Some of the sculptures probably belong to the X-XIII centuries. n. e. In 1948, during mining on the Bauchi plateau in the valley of the river. Nok found terracotta heads, apparently much older than all previous finds. The English archaeologist Fagg, who studied the conditions and depth of occurrence, claims that the age of these sculptures is at least two thousand years. Similar finds of bronze human figures and birds were made on Jebba Island in Niger. In the forests of Southern Nigeria near Etiye, many stone human figures have been discovered. Stone sculptures were found in the forests of Cameroon and other places. All this makes us take a fresh look at the history of the peoples of West Africa. Within modern Nigeria many centuries ago, at least not later than the 1st millennium BC. e., and maybe even earlier, there was an original culture. There is no doubt that the peoples of this part of Africa have been familiar with the working of metals since very ancient times.

The most remarkable monuments of art are found in Benin. The capital of this small state was burned down by the English invaders. At the same time, the premises of the palace and the royal storerooms were looted; the bronze images of the Beninese kings and their nobles kept there went to the hands of English generals, officers and soldiers. The enormous historical significance of the stolen treasures was appreciated much later, when most of them fell into the hands of scientists.

According to experts, bronze sculpture and reliefs are superior in terms of quality of casting and thoroughness of processing to bronze art casting by European masters of the 15th century. Remarkable bronze images of military leaders, nobles, priests, as well as various gods and sacred animals once adorned the walls of royal palaces, and cast bronze heads of Benin kings and queens, roosters, snakes, etc. served as an object of worship: they were placed on the altars of their ancestors. All these products are so perfect that bourgeois researchers refused to recognize them as the work of African artists. Some tried to prove that the Benin bronze products were made by the Portuguese in the 15th-16th centuries, others looked for the roots of their origin in distant India and saw the result of the influence of Hinduism in Benin art; still others linked the Benin culture with the culture of Meroe and Napata. The German reactionary ethnographer Frobenius suggested that Yoruba culture owes its origin to the Etruscans. In his opinion, the Etruscans circled the western coast of Africa, landed at the mouth of the Niger, and here created a kind of Yoruba culture - an absolutely fantastic assumption and not confirmed by anything. Some English ethnographers link the origin of the Yoruba culture with the appearance of the Hyksos, who conquered Egypt in the 17th century. BC e. The tribes of the Nile Valley allegedly moved out of Egypt and, having passed through the whole of Africa, brought a high culture to Sudan. All these "theories" have nothing to do with the actual history of the peoples of Africa. They are based on the assumption of the inability of the peoples of the Negroid race to create their own high culture. The study of the style of Benin images and the technique of their manufacture showed that the oldest of them belong to local masters and were created many centuries ago.

As it turns out now, the sculptures of Ancient Benin are just imperfect handicraft repetitions of the highly artistic works of the Ife masters. The city of Ife, or Ile-Ife, is still considered a sacred city by the Yoruba people, who live to the west of the Niger Delta. From this city, the Benin kings received the products of local craftsmen, and only in the XV-XVI centuries. bronze casting workshops were established in Benin itself. The Yoruba countries knew bronze casting, apparently in the early Middle Ages. This is confirmed by archaeological finds and ethnographic data. The art of bronze casting was widespread throughout the Guinean coast. Benin is only the most famous center of this production. To this day, the Baule and Ashanti blacksmiths are engaged in casting from bronze. Ashanti craftsmen have long been making cast bronze weights in the form of various figures, images of household items, etc. used in weighing golden sand.

By the time the first European travelers appeared, that is, in the 15th century, large trading settlements - cities - existed on the coast of Upper Guinea. The first Portuguese travelers were met by large ships, containing about a hundred people; merchants who traded on the shore described with surprise the order and well-being of the settlements, the art and crafts of their inhabitants. The Dutch geographer Dapper, describing the cities of West Africa in the 17th century, compares them with the cities of his native Holland. In his opinion, the streets of Benin - the capital of the state of this name - are larger than the streets of Haarlem, and the palace of the Benin kings is no less than the building of the Amsterdam Stock Exchange. Travelers who have visited Benin described with surprise majestic palaces with towers crowned with huge bronze birds with outstretched wings; bronze snakes hung head down from the roofs of the towers, and the walls of the palaces were completely covered with bronze images of kings and their courtiers, hunting scenes and images of battles.

YORUBA STATES.

It is not yet possible to specify the time of the emergence of the Yoruba states. There is no doubt that they arose before the beginning of the European slave trade and were the first suppliers of slaves. It is also certain that slavery was widespread in these states. It can be assumed that it was the labor of slaves that created the treasures of the ancient Yoruba kings.

Only in the 19th century the internal structure of the Yoruba states became known. By this time, there were several state associations in the Yoruba country - Oyo, Egba, Ife, etc. Each of them was, in essence, a large city with an insignificant territory dependent on it. These were petty feudal principalities, endlessly at war with each other, paying tribute to the winners, etc. The income of the ruling elite consisted of taxes paid by the peasants and taxes on goods delivered to city markets. These taxes were collected by special officials; at the city gates and on the roads near the borders of the state there were customs outposts.

The head of state of Oyo, who bore the title of Alafin, was considered senior over all other Yoruba kings. The power of Alafin was limited by the "council of seven" of the representatives of the nobility. The Council monitored the actions of the Alafin and had the right to eliminate him if the Alafin became too independent in his actions. In this case, according to an old Yoruba custom, a parrot egg was sent to Alafin as a sign that he should commit suicide. There is a known case when Alafin managed to oppose the decision of the council. In 1774, one of the Alafins refused to accept the fatal egg. The council tried to force Alafin to obey the decision of the council, but this failed, and by order of Alafin, the nobles were executed. However, such cases were rare, and Alafin almost always turned out to be a tool in the hands of the nobility. The chief of the nobles was the basorun, the chairman of the "council of seven", whose position was hereditary. Closest to him in importance was the chief military leader - balogun.

Cities and large villages were ruled by royal proteges - balls, to whom the heads of quarters and villages were subordinate. The lowest unit of society was the extended family. The head of the family managed all her affairs; he resolved disputes between family members and was her representative before the heads of the quarters. A feature of the Yoruba city government system was the participation of women in governance. In each city, along with the mayor of the ball, there was also an iyalebe (“mistress of the street”), who had two assistants. All the women of the city obeyed her; she sorted out their disputes, and only in case of disagreement did the complaints go to the ball for consideration. The mayors and nobles had armed detachments with them. There were many officials at the court, among whom a significant part of especially trusted persons performed the role of the tsarist secret police.

The army was made up of the entire combat-ready male population. At its head was a balogun. The militia gathered in the provinces. Each local detachment was led by its chief and acted more or less independently in battle. Most of the army consisted of warriors armed with spears, swords and axes; braided shields and leather armor served as defensive weapons. Special detachments of archers were armed with bows with leather bowstrings and crossbows. The army also included small cavalry detachments, consisting of noble nobles and their sons. On campaigns, the army was accompanied by women, whose duties included cooking, carrying luggage, etc.

In the northern regions of the Yoruba country, a significant part of the population since the beginning of the 19th century. professes Islam. In the rest of the country, the old Yoruba religion has been preserved. The basis of Yoruba religious beliefs were the so-called orishas. Ideas about orisha are very indistinct. According to some legends, the orisha are the mythical ancestors of all the Yoruba, who descended from the sky and, turning into stones, went underground.

The total number of these orishas, ​​according to legend, was 401. Some deities also belonged to the number of orishas: Obatala and his wife Oduduva, the personification of heaven and earth. Oduduwa was also considered the goddess of fertility and love. Her cult is reminiscent of the ancient Eastern cult of the goddess Ishtar, whose priestesses were supposed to give themselves to any man at annual festivities. The cult of Oduduwa almost completely coincides with the cult of the orisha Oko, the patron of agriculture. In any city and village of the country there were his temples with numerous priests and priestesses. The annual Orisha Oko festival was timed to coincide with the yam harvest. According to the myth, the goddess Oduduva gave birth to fifteen children: the deities of the air - Orugun, the sea - Olokun, the sun - Orun, the moon - Omu, lightning and thunderstorms - Shango, etc. Olorun, "lord of the sky", was considered the supreme deity, behind him. Olokun and Shango followed in importance. The image of Shango is surrounded by myths intertwined with historical legends. He was considered one of the first kings of the Yoruba and was depicted as a warrior with a bow and sword in his hands. It was said that he lived in a palace with bronze walls, had many horses, was a harsh ruler and disappeared, having gone into the ground. There were other gods: Ogun - the deity of iron, the patron of blacksmiths, hunters and warriors; Oloroza - the patroness of the hearth, depicted guarding the entrance to the house; Yudzhe Shalug - goddess: trade and exchange; Sopona - goddess of chickenpox; Shagidi is a nightmare that suffocates people; Eau - the deity of evil and many others.

The Yoruba adopted a special account of time according to the lunar months. They divided the month into six weeks of five days each, but since the 30-day count did not coincide with the lunar month, the last week was a little shorter. The names of the days of the week were associated with the names of the gods. The first day of the week, the day of rest, ako-ojo, i.e. "first day", was considered unlucky and no one started any business on this day. The second day, ojo-awo - "day of mystery" - was a public holiday in the city of Ife, the sacred city of the Yoruba. The third day is ojo-ogun - "the day of Ogun" (the god of iron), the fourth - ojo-shango - "the day of the god of thunder and lightning" and the fifth - ojo-obatala - "the day of the sky god".

The complex pantheon of gods (goddesses of fertility, love, agriculture, patrons of blacksmiths, etc.) with the myths that have developed around them, reminiscent of the myths of the ancient Mediterranean and the ancient East, speaks of a high, centuries-old culture of the peoples of the Guinean coast.

THE GREAT EVUAR IS THE FOUNDER OF THE GREAT BENIN.

"To speak of Evoir is the same as to speak of Alexander the Great," wrote a 15th-century historian. And a few decades earlier, the outstanding Benin chronicler and educator Jacob Egkharevba dedicated one of his books "to the memory of Ewuare - the greatest king of Benin, the famous creator of Benin laws and customs." In 1472, the caravels of the Portuguese navigator Ruy de Sequeira, moving south along the coastline of the African continent, reached the Bay of Benin. It was then that the Europeans heard for the first time about the powerful and rich kingdom of Benin and its supreme ruler, Ewuar, who bore the title "both".

The exact year of neither his birth nor accession to the throne is known (according to some sources, this happened in 1440, according to others - in 1450), nor his death, which occurred either in 1473 or two years later. He entered the history of his people - Bini - as the greatest of all its rulers, of whom, from the turn of the 1st and 2nd millennia AD. to this day, more than seventy have been replaced on the Benin throne. And today it is called Ewuare Ogidigan - Ewuare the Great.

Under Ewuar, the city of Benin grew, covered with a network of wide streets paved with tiles, was surrounded by a system of ditches and surrounded by walls with nine gates, for the passage through which they began to levy a toll. The Beninese themselves claim that it was only during the reign of Ewuare that Benin began to be considered a city. Subsequently, in the XVI-XVIII centuries, European visitors - missionaries, merchants, diplomats, sailors - enthusiastically compared Benin with the largest and most beautiful cities of Europe at that time, for example, with Amsterdam. The city of Benin exists to this day and is now called Benin City. The beginning of the creation of this splendor was laid by Ewuare the Great.

The great both encouraged the development of crafts and arts, in particular carving on ivory and wood, bronze casting, now famous all over the world. He himself was considered an outstanding blacksmith. Ewuare invented the musical instrument ejiken - a kind of flute and created a court orchestra. It is no coincidence that scientists believe that it was the Ewuare era that was the "golden age" of Benin culture.

Ewuare is also credited with the introduction of special tribal signs - notches on the face, at the same time somewhat similar in pattern, but not quite the same among representatives of different Benin tribes. This innovation contributed to the development in people of a sense of both intra-tribal and general Benin unity.

Ewuare was the first in a series of great both-conquerors. He began to create the Benin empire and laid the foundations for its system of government. Tradition ascribes to Ewuare the conquest of 201 settlements of neighboring peoples to the north, east and west of Benin. Their inhabitants were taxed, and local rulers entered the service of Benin. Many more settlements were founded by the soldiers of the Benin garrisons. This is how Lagos arose - the multimillion-dollar economic, financial and cultural center of modern Nigeria, until recently its capital (now the capital of Abuja) ... traveler who visited many countries of West Africa.

The heyday of Benin, which began under Ewuar, lasted until the beginning of the 17th century. Then came the time of decline. Among the people, Ewuare was considered not only a great ruler, but also a sorcerer, a seer. He is said to have prophesied that one of his descendants would end his days in captivity. In 1897, Benin was captured by the British. The palace was both destroyed and looted, and the supreme ruler himself was sent into exile, where he died seventeen years later.

At the end of the 13th century, both Oguola, the sixth ruler of Benin, according to oral tradition, appealed to the ruler of Ife (a city-state of the Yoruba people in West Africa) with a request to send a master to train local artisans in bronze casting. From Ife came the blacksmith-caster Igwe Igha, who founded the workshop of the royal casters and after his death was deified. Blacksmiths of Benin until recently made sacrifices on his altar, where there were terracotta heads (according to legend, he used them during the training of the Benin people).

This will not seem strange if we remember that in the distant past in Benin there was a custom that reflected its vassalage: it was believed that its first ruler came from Ife. When both died, his head was not buried with the body, but sent to Ife, receiving in return a bronze image, which was intended for the worship of royal ancestors.

The city of Ife, one of the most important centers of civilization in tropical Africa, played a huge role in the religious and cultural life of the Yoruba and Bini peoples. However, very little is known about his religion and social structure, data on them are fragmentary and incomplete. Most of the finds in the city itself and its environs were made by accident.

So, during the repair and construction work, several layers of ancient pavements were discovered. Laid out of ceramic shards, they formed geometric patterns that resembled a fancy mosaic. During subsequent excavations, archaeologists unearthed a total of more than three square kilometers of such paved areas. Perhaps they were associated with drainage structures and had some kind of ritual significance - most of them were found in the royal quarter. The absolutely incredible laboriousness of this work speaks in favor of this assumption.

One of the participants in the excavations, South African J. Goodwin, wrote: “Tens of millions of clay shards were collected and each carefully turned to the size of a two-shilling coin, each was given the shape of a flat disk. They were carefully stacked (edge ​​to edge) with their faces to each other, three per square inch, and so, perhaps, over an area of ​​two square miles ... The effort involved in this work must have been enormous ... Multiplying this number by the number of square feet paved, we get an astronomical figure, which I simply cannot express!"

Ancient mesalites (grave monuments and sanctuaries) and royal thrones carved from quartz and other materials were also found here. However, the highest achievement of Ife art is considered to be bronze and terracotta heads, less often life-size torsos of deified rulers and their entourage. They are called bronze rather by tradition, in fact it is brass (an alloy of copper and zinc), and not bronze (an alloy of copper and tin). There are sculptures made almost of pure copper.

The first thing that strikes Ife's sculpture is its amazing realism, close to antique, and, last but not least, the perfection of technical execution - the thickness of the castings, as a rule, does not exceed 5-6 mm. It is not surprising that for a long time Europeans could not believe in its local origin, linking it either with Egypt, then with Greece and Rome, then with Portugal or India, or even with the legendary Atlantis, since it was believed that the art of the Negroid peoples did not come out beyond the primitive.

Many bronze heads have small holes made around the mouth and forehead for attaching mustaches, beards and hairstyles. Faces are sometimes completely covered with parallel grooves, apparently conveying a stylized tattoo, more precisely, scarring adopted in Africa. In a number of heads, one can see the features of a portrait resemblance, which, however, does not violate the almost ideal image of the ruler. Most likely, they decorated the altars in front of which sacrifices were made in honor of the royal ancestors. According to another hypothesis, they were used during the secondary burial ceremony, when the figure of the oni (the title of the ruler of Ife), decorated with royal regalia, was carried in a solemn procession throughout the city.

At the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, at auctions and then in museums in England, France and Germany, mysterious bronze heads began to appear in strange wicker hats, in high collars, up to the mouth, and with incomprehensible holes on the crown. The perfection of the bronze casting suggested that these were objects of ancient or oriental work. Only some features in the appearance of the depicted people were embarrassing: swollen lips and wide flattened noses.

Such was the first acquaintance of Europeans with the art of Benin, the discovery of which took place at the beginning of 1897 and was accompanied by very tragic events. The English punitive expedition, using the incident provoked by the British themselves, captured and destroyed the city to the ground. The works of art discovered in the ruins were looted and sold by the soldiers in the antique shops of the seaside towns of England.

Prior to this, Europe knew almost nothing about the art of Benin. Despite the brisk trade since the end of the 15th century, not a single work of art has been taken out of here. The only exception was the so-called Afro-Portuguese plastic - goblets, salt shakers, spoons, etc., which were made of ivory on orders from Portuguese merchants. Records of European travelers who visited here became known much later and caused no less surprise than the art of Benin itself.

Thus, the Dutch cartographer O. Dapper published in Amsterdam a "Description of African Countries", which contains reports from the merchant S. Blomert, one of the few Europeans who visited Benin during its heyday. "The king's palace is quadrangular and is located on the right side of the city. It is as large as the city of Harlem, and surrounded by a special wall, except for the one that surrounds the city. The palace consists of many magnificent houses and beautiful long quadrangular galleries almost the same size as "Amsterdam stock exchange. These galleries are on high pillars, covered from top to bottom with copper depictions of military exploits and battles. Each roof is decorated with a turret, on which is placed a bird, cast of copper, with open wings, depicted very skillfully from nature. The city has very straight and broad streets, each about a hundred and twenty feet wide."

We do not know the exact time of the emergence of the Beninese state. Apparently, from the very beginning it had the character of a slave-owning despotism, similar to the states of the Ancient East. Among local cults, the cult of ancestors played the most important role. Each family erected an altar on which wooden images of the dead were placed. The heads of ancestors, the so-called "uhuv-elao" (literally "ancestor's skull") were considered intermediaries between the deceased and his descendants.

A vast pantheon of deities gradually developed, the hierarchy of which was an exact copy of earthly relations. However, they all played a subordinate role - the cult of the deified ruler and his ancestors became the state religion. The person of the king was considered sacred in Benin during his lifetime, he was not only the viceroy of God on earth, but God himself. Each deceased king, as well as the queen mother, was dedicated inside the palace to a separate room with an altar, on which there was a sculptural head cast in bronze. In the upper part of the head, especially in later monuments, there was a hole where an elephant tusk with a carved bas-relief of ritual content was inserted.

The evolution of the art of Benin is easy to trace on the example of the bronze heads - "uhuv-elao" - of its rulers. Early monuments are reminiscent of Ife sculpture, although their similarity is manifested not only and not so much in style, but in a high level of technical performance, in the desire to realistically convey the features of the face of a particular character. During the heyday (XV-XVI centuries), the casting technique becomes even more perfect. Sculpture and reliefs are covered with fine chased ornaments. The canonical type of portraiture is finally taking shape. The heads of the rulers of this time differ from each other not only in decorations, but also in portrait resemblance to the original.

The next period - the end of the 16th - the middle of the 18th century - is distinguished by growing contradictions. The decorative splendor and solemnity characteristic of any court art gradually increase, individual features give way to more and more canonical conventionality and stiffness, heads differ only in the shape of headdresses and regalia (high collars and coral beads, pendants, etc.). Castings become rougher and more simplified.

However, it was during this period that the genre range of art expanded unusually. Various types of round sculpture are created - figures and groups of warriors (including Portuguese), hunters, musicians; stylized images of animals, most often leopards, birds, fish and snakes. The famous bronze reliefs almost completely cover the walls of the royal palace. In addition to the frequently repeated figures, both of which are always distinguished by size, we find here scenes of palace life, hunting and battles, legendary and, possibly, historical events.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the art of Benin stops in its development and does not go beyond the handicraft repetition of canonical samples. This coincides with the political and economic decline of the state, which has become a theocratic tyranny. Its existence was finally interrupted, as already mentioned, by the English punitive expedition of 1897.


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