Russian-Byzantine treaty. Russian-Byzantine treaties Treaty with the Greeks 911

The second source of law was the Russian-Byzantine treaties of 911, 944 and 971. These are international legal acts that reflect the norms of Byzantine and Old Russian law. They regulated trade relations, determined the rights that Russian merchants used in Byzantium. Here the norms of criminal, civil law, certain rights and privileges of feudal lords are fixed. The treaties also contain norms of oral customary law.

As a result of the campaigns of Russian princes against Constantinople, Russian-Byzantine treaties were concluded that regulated trade and political relations between states.

Three agreements with Byzantium 911, 945, 971 aimed at regulating trade relations between the two countries. The texts contain norms of Byzantine and Russian law relating to international, commercial, procedural and criminal law. They contain references to the Russian Law, which was a set of oral norms of customary law. Being international, these treaties in a number of cases fix interstate norms, but Old Russian law is clearly reflected in them.

· The agreement of September 2, 911 was concluded after the successful campaign of Prince Oleg's squad against Byzantium in 907. He restored friendly relations between states, determined the procedure for ransoming prisoners, punishment for criminal offenses committed by Greek and Russian merchants in Byzantium, the rules for conducting litigation and inheritance, created favorable trading conditions for Russians and Greeks, changed coastal law (instead of capture, thrown ashore the ship and its property, the owners of the shore were obliged to assist in their rescue).

The agreement of 945 was concluded after the unsuccessful campaign of Prince Igor’s troops against Byzantium in 941 and the second campaign in 944. Confirming the norms of 911 in a slightly modified form, the agreement of 945 obliged Russian ambassadors and merchants to have princely letters to use the established benefits, introduced a number of restrictions for Russian merchants. Rus' pledged not to claim the Crimean possessions of Byzantium, not to leave outposts at the mouth of the Dnieper, and to help each other with military forces.

· The treaty of July 971 was concluded by Prince Svyatoslav Igorevich with Emperor John Tzimiskes after the defeat of the Russian troops in the Bulgarian Dorostol. Compiled in conditions unfavorable for Rus', it contained the obligations of Rus' to refrain from attacks on Byzantium. From treaties with Byzantium in the 10th century. it can be seen that the merchants played a prominent role in the international relations of Rus', when they not only carried out purchases abroad, but also acted as diplomats who had extensive ties with foreign courts and social leaders.


The contracts also mention the death penalty, penalties, regulated the right to hire, measures to capture runaway slaves, and register certain goods. At the same time, the treaties provided for the implementation of the right of blood feud and other norms of customary law.

Treaties between Rus' and Byzantium are an exceptionally valuable source on the history of the state and law of Ancient Rus', ancient Russian and international law, and Russian-Byzantine relations.

Rich Byzantine culture, which in the X-XI centuries. experienced a renaissance (revival), significantly affected our state. But it cannot be said that the influence of Byzantine law on ancient Russian law was significant. This follows from Russkaya Pravda, as a collection of norms of ancient Russian, in particular customary, law. Slavic conservative customs did not perceive other people's norms.

The legal system of Kievan Rus at the time of the intensification of its relations with Byzantium was almost formed on the basis of the traditions of its own customary law. A striking feature of the legal system of the Old Russian state was, in particular, sanctions in criminal law (the absence of the death penalty, the widespread use of monetary penalties, etc.). On the other hand, Byzantine law was characterized by strict sanctions, including both the death penalty and corporal punishment.

General data about the contract and its meaning

In 911 (the year of the agreement was incorrectly affixed 6420, therefore not 912, but 911), according to chronicle data, Prince Oleg sent his people to the Greeks to conclude peace with them and establish an agreement between Russia and Byzantium. The agreement was concluded on September 2, 911 between two parties:

The treaty established friendly relations between Byzantium and Kievan Rus, determined the procedure for ransoming prisoners, punishments for criminal offenses committed by Greek and Russian merchants in Byzantium, the rules for litigation and inheritance, created favorable trading conditions for Russians and Greeks, and changed coastal law. From now on, instead of capturing the ship and its property thrown ashore, the owners of the coast were obliged to assist in their rescue.

Also, under the terms of the agreement, Russian merchants received the right to live in Constantinople for six months, the empire was obliged to support them during this time at the expense of the treasury. They were granted the right to free trade in Byzantium. And the possibility of hiring Russians for military service in Byzantium was also allowed.

Notes

Literature

  • Bibikov M.V. Rus' in Byzantine diplomacy: treaties between Rus' and the Greeks of the 10th century. // Ancient Rus'. Medieval Questions. - 2005. - No. 1 (19). - S. 5-15.
  • Vladimirsky-Budanov M.F. Review of the history of Russian law. - K.-SPb.: Publishing house of N. Ya. Ogloblin, 1900. - 681 p.
  • Monuments of Russian Law / Ed. S. V. Yushkova. - M.: Gosyuridizdat, 1952. - Issue. 1. Monuments of law of the Kyiv state X-XII centuries. - 304 p.
  • The Tale of Bygone Years / Ed. V. P. Adrianov-Peretz. - M.-L.: Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1950. - Part 1. Texts and translation. - 405 p.; Part 2. Applications. - 559 p.
  • Falaleeva I. N. The political and legal system of Ancient Rus' in the 9th-11th centuries. - Volgograd: Publishing House of the Volgograd State University, 2003. - 164 p.
  • Yushkov S. V. Socio-political system and law of the Kyiv state. - M.: Gosyuridizdat, 1949. - 544 p.

see also


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Oleg's treaty with the Greeks

The signing of a long-term peace treaty was preceded by negotiations on the end of hostilities. Oleg wanted to receive a "tribute" - a ransom for his "wars". This place in the "Tale" is generally quite dark. The chronicler gives a double calculation of tribute: at first, Oleg "commanded" to give tribute "for 2000 ships at 12 hryvnias per person, and on a ship for 40 men"; but his ambassadors, who came to Constantinople, are already asking "to give wars on 2000 ships 12 hryvnias per key." The obvious discrepancy between the sizes of these two tributes has been explained by historians in different ways. But few people took into account the possibilities of the imperial treasury and considerations of imperial prestige. Even if, following the Novgorod I chronicle, we estimate the number of Oleg’s troops at 8,000 people (200 boats of 40 soldiers each), then the tribute required for them will be 96,000 hryvnias or 2,304,000 gold coins (the hryvnia of the beginning of the 10th century was equal to about a third of a pound, i.e. 24 Byzantine spools). Here we must remember that the Byzantine treasury received approximately 8,000,000 gold coins annually and that the emperor Mauritius quarreled to death with the Avar Khagan Bayan over 100,000 gold coins - an amount 23 times less than what we received as a result of a tenfold reduction in the number of Oleg's soldiers! (According to the chronicle, it turns out that Oleg demanded to pay him three annual budgets of the empire - another evidence of the fantasticness of the annalistic calculation of his troops.) But the international status of the Avar Khagan far exceeded the dignity of the "bright Russian prince."

It seems that a tribute of 12 hryvnias per warrior is the creation of a heated fantasy of ancient Russian combatants, which fell into the annals from their "Tsargrad" legends. The two systems for calculating tribute probably reflect the fact that Oleg, irritated by his success, initially asked for too much, but then, during the negotiations, agreed to take "by rank." The expression “12 hryvnias per key” is usually understood as a payment for the key (steering) oar, that is, for one boat. However, V. Dal in his dictionary (the article "Klyuch") also indicates that among the Western Slavs the word "key" means an estate of several villages and villages with a town, controlled by a key. “Oleg’s rook strength,” he writes, “probably was divided into keys according to the volosts from where the rooks were put up, or according to private bosses over the keys, departments of people.” Considering the Carpathian origin of Oleg, perhaps this interpretation of the size of the tribute received from the Greeks should be preferred. Another part of the tribute was given out in precious things and products. Returning to Kyiv, Oleg took with him "gold, and curtains, and vegetables, and wine, and all sorts of patterns."

Another important point of the negotiations was the “orders”, which the Greeks undertook to “give to Russian cities” (a list of them was given above). The text immediately following the list of cities regulates the conditions for keeping “Russian” ambassadors and merchants: “Yes, they eat a month for 6 months, bread and wine, and meat, and fish, and a vegetable; and let them create a mov [bath] for them, as much [as] they want; and on the way home, to Rus', let our tsar take on the way brashno, and anchors, and snake [ropes], and sails, and what they need. When the cities are mentioned again, the contract determines the order of trade for Rus merchants: “and let them enter the city at the same gate with the king’s husband, without weapons, 50 men each, and let them make a purchase, as if they need it, not paying more [duties] nor in with what". Thus, by "way" one must understand the trade charter, which stipulates the rules for trading Russ in the Constantinople market. As you can see, Oleg achieved extremely favorable conditions for the "Russian" merchants: they received maintenance from the imperial treasury and were exempt from duties.

The agreement was sealed with an oath. Emperors Leo and Alexander "kissed the cross themselves, and Olga led the company [oath], and his men, according to Russian law, swearing by their weapons, and Perun, their god, and Volos, the god of cattle, and established the world."

On September 2, fourteen "men from the Russian family" signed a written agreement on "irreversible and shameless" love between the Rus and the Greeks. His papers can be divided into four main sections:

1. The order of analysis and punishment of criminal offenses committed by Russians or Greeks against each other on the territory of the Byzantine Empire. Murder, as required by imperial law, was punishable by death and confiscation of property, with the exception of the part that was due to the killer's wife. For causing bodily harm, a fine was imposed on the perpetrator (“five liters of silver according to Russian law”), and if he was “immovable”, then he had to remove “the very ports” from himself. From the caught thief was exacted three times against the one taken; if they resisted capture, the owner of the stolen property could kill him with impunity. The verdict was passed only on the basis of undeniable evidence; at the slightest suspicion of the falsity of the testimonies, the opposing side had the right to reject them, swearing "according to their faith." Perjury was punishable by punishment. The parties were obliged to hand over the escaped criminals to each other.

2. Providing mutual assistance on the territory of other states. In the event of a shipwreck of a Byzantine merchant ship near the coast of any other country, the nearby “Russian” merchants were obliged to take the ship and crew under guard and escort the cargo to the empire or to a safe place. If trouble overtook the Greeks near the "Russian land", then the ship was escorted to the last, the goods were sold and the proceeds of the Rus had to be transported to Constantinople with the first embassy or trade caravan. Violence, murders and robberies committed by the Rus on the ship were punished in the above way. The treaty is silent about the fact that the "Russian" merchants had the right to demand the same from the Greeks. This circumstance is probably due to the fact that the Rus went on trading expeditions in whole fleets. The large number of "Russian" merchants is also reflected in the demand of the Greeks to limit their access to Constantinople: they had to enter the city through one gate, 50 people each. It is clear that with such a scale of trade enterprises, the Rus did not need outside help.

3. The ransom of "Russian" and Greek slaves and prisoners of war and the capture of runaway slaves. Seeing a Greek captive in the slave market, the "Russian" merchant had to ransom him; the Greek merchant was obliged to act in the same way in relation to the captive Rus. In the homeland of the slave, the merchant received for him the ransom sum or the average price of the slave at the current exchange rate (“20 złoty”). In the event of a "rati" (war) between the "Russian land" and Byzantium, the ransom of prisoners of war was provided - again at the average price of a slave. Runaway or stolen "Russian" slaves were to be returned to their owners; the latter could search for them in the territory of the empire, and the Greek who opposed the search of his house was considered guilty.

4. Conditions for hiring fair-haired for military service. When announcing the recruitment of mercenaries into the army, the Byzantine emperors were obliged to take on the service of all the Rus who wished it, and for the period that would suit the mercenaries themselves (the Rus sought long-term mercenarism, up to life). The property of a killed or deceased mercenary, in the absence of a will, was sent to his neighbors "to Rus'."

The negotiations ended with a solemn ceremony, which was supposed to show the barbarians the power of the empire and encourage Oleg to follow the example of the previous "Russian" princes who converted to Christianity. Russian ambassadors were invited to the church of Hagia Sophia to inspect Christian shrines: “Tsar Leon honored the Russian ambassadors with gifts, gold and curtains ... and put your husbands to them, show them the church beauty, and golden coats, and real wealth in them: a lot of gold, and curtains, and precious stones, and the passion of the Lord, a crown and a nail, and a scarlet mantle, and the relics of saints, teaching them to their faith and showing them the true faith; and so let them go to your land with great honor. But it seems that this time none of the Rus did not want to leave pagan delusions.

Before leaving his camp, Oleg once again confirmed his firm intention to keep “love is unchanging and shameless” with the Greeks, ordering to hang his shield on the city gates, “showing victory.” This symbolic act is usually interpreted in a completely opposite sense - as a sign of the victory of the Rus over Byzantium. However, the word "victory" in the XI-XII centuries. also had the meaning of "protection, patronage." Likewise, the shield nowhere and never symbolized victory, but only protection, peace, cessation of war. The raising of the shield by the leader of the troops during the battle meant a call for the start of peace negotiations; in 1204, noble crusaders hung their shields on the doors of the houses they occupied in Constantinople to prevent them from being plundered by other knights. The prophetic prince left his talisman to the Greeks, which was supposed to protect the city from enemy attacks; he returned to his Carpathian "Dzharvab" not as the winner of Byzantium, but as its ally and defender.

This text is an introductory piece.

The agreement - one of the earliest surviving ancient Russian diplomatic documents - was concluded after the successful campaign of the Kyiv prince Oleg and his squad against the Byzantine Empire in 907. It was originally compiled in Greek, but only the Russian translation has survived as part of The Tale of Bygone Years. The articles of the Russian-Byzantine treaty of 911 are devoted mainly to the consideration of various offenses and the penalties for them. We are talking about responsibility for murder, for deliberate beatings, for theft and robbery; on the procedure for helping merchants of both countries during their voyage with goods; rules for the ransom of prisoners are regulated; there are clauses about allied assistance to the Greeks from Rus' and about the order of service of the Russians in the imperial army; on the procedure for the return of fled or stolen servants; the order of inheritance of the property of the Russ who died in Byzantium is described; regulated Russian trade in Byzantium.

Relations with the Byzantine Empire since the 9th century. constituted the most important element of the foreign policy of the Old Russian state. Probably already in the 30s or the very beginning of the 40s. 9th century the Russian fleet raided the Byzantine city of Amastrida on the southern coast of the Black Sea (the modern city of Amasra in Turkey). In sufficient detail, Greek sources tell about the attack of the "people of the Ross" on the Byzantine capital - Constantinople. In The Tale of Bygone Years, this campaign is erroneously dated to 866 and is associated with the names of the semi-mythical Kyiv princes Askold and Dir.

The news about the first diplomatic contacts of Rus' with its southern neighbor also date back to this time. As part of the embassy of the Byzantine emperor Theophilus (829-842), who arrived in 839 at the court of the Frankish emperor Louis the Pious, there were some “petitioners for peace” from the “people of Ros”. They were sent by their Khakan ruler to the Byzantine court, and now they were returning to their homeland. Peaceful and even allied relations between Byzantium and Russia are evidenced by the sources of the 2nd half of the 860s, primarily by the messages of Patriarch Photius of Constantinople (858-867 and 877-886). During this period, through the efforts of Greek missionaries (their names have not reached us), the process of Christianization of Rus' began. However, this so-called "first baptism" of Rus' did not have significant consequences: its results were destroyed after the capture of Kyiv by the squads of Prince Oleg who came from Northern Rus'.

This event marked the consolidation under the rule of the northern, Scandinavian in origin, Rurik dynasty of lands along the transit Volkhov-Dnieper trade route "from the Varangians to the Greeks." Oleg, the new ruler of Rus' (his name is a variant of the Old Norse Helga - sacred) first of all sought to assert his status in confrontation with powerful neighbors - the Khazar Khaganate and the Byzantine Empire. It can be assumed that initially Oleg tried to maintain partnership relations with Byzantium on the basis of an agreement of the 860s. However, his anti-Christian policy led to a confrontation.

The story of Oleg's campaign against Constantinople in 907 is preserved in the Tale of Bygone Years. It contains a number of elements of clearly folklore origin, and therefore many researchers have expressed doubts about its authenticity. In addition, almost nothing is reported about this military campaign by Greek sources. There are only separate references to the "Rose" in documents from the time of Emperor Leo VI the Wise (886-912), as well as an unclear passage in the chronicle of pseudo-Simeon (late 10th century) about the participation of the "Rose" in the Byzantine war against the Arab fleet. The main arguments in favor of the reality of the 907 campaign should be considered the Russian-Byzantine treaty of 911. The authenticity of this document is beyond doubt, and the conditions contained therein, extremely beneficial for Rus', could hardly have been achieved without military pressure on Byzantium.

In addition, the description in the "Tale of Bygone Years" of negotiations between Oleg and the Byzantine emperors, co-rulers Leo and Alexander, is consistent with the well-known principles of Byzantine diplomatic practice. After Prince Oleg, together with his army, appeared under the walls of Constantinople and devastated the surroundings of the city, Emperor Leo VI and his co-ruler Alexander were forced to enter into negotiations with him. Oleg sent five ambassadors with his demands to the Byzantine emperors. The Greeks expressed their willingness to pay a one-time tribute to the Rus and allowed them duty-free trade in Constantinople. The agreement reached was secured by both parties through an oath: the emperors kissed the cross, and the Rus swore on their weapons and their deities Perun and Volos. The taking of the oath was apparently preceded by an agreement, since the oath had to refer precisely to the practical articles of the treaty, which it was called upon to approve. What exactly the parties agreed on, we do not know. It is clear, however, that the Russians demanded some kind of payments and benefits from the Greeks, and that they received this in order to then leave the district of Constantinople.

The formal treaty between Rus' and Byzantium was concluded, apparently, in two stages: in 907 negotiations were held, then the agreements reached were sealed with an oath. But the verification of the text of the treaty was delayed in time and took place only in 911. It is worth noting that the most favorable articles of the treaty for the Russians - on the payment by the Greeks of indemnity ("ways") and on the release of Russian merchants in Constantinople from paying duties - are only among the preliminary articles 907, but not in the main text of the treaty of 911. According to one version, the mention of duties was deliberately removed from the article “On Russian Traders”, which was preserved only as a headline. Perhaps the desire of the Byzantine rulers to conclude an agreement with Russia was also caused by the desire to get an ally in the ongoing war against the Arabs. It is known that in the summer of the same year 911, 700 Russian soldiers participated in the campaign of the Byzantines to the island of Crete occupied by the Arabs. Perhaps they remained in the empire, having entered the military service there, after Oleg's campaigns, and did not return to their homeland.

A detailed textual, diplomatic and legal analysis showed that the texts of the diplomatic protocol, act and legal formulas, preserved in the Old Russian text of the treaty of 911, are either translations of well-known Byzantine clerical formulas, attested in many surviving original Greek acts, or paraphrases of Byzantine monuments. rights. Nestor included in the Tale of Bygone Years a Russian translation made from an authentic (that is, having the power of the original) copy of the act from a special copy book. Unfortunately, it has not yet been established when and by whom the translation was made, under no circumstances were extracts from copies of the books found their way to Rus'.

During the X-XI centuries. wars between Russia and Byzantium alternated with peaceful, and rather long pauses. These periods are marked by the strengthening of diplomatic actions, the two states - by the exchange of embassies, active trade. Priests, architects, artists came from Byzantium to Rus'. After the Christianization of Rus', pilgrims began to travel in the opposite direction to the holy places. The Tale of Bygone Years includes two more Russian-Byzantine treaties: between Prince Igor and Emperor Roman I Lecapenus (944) and between Prince Svyatoslav and Emperor John I Tzimisces (971). As with the agreement of 911, they are translations from Greek originals. Most likely, all three texts fell into the hands of the compiler of The Tale of Bygone Years in the form of a single collection. At the same time, the text of the treaty of 1046 between Yaroslav the Wise and Emperor Constantine IX Monomakh is not in the Tale of Bygone Years.

Treaties with Byzantium are among the oldest written sources of Russian statehood. As international treaty acts, they fixed the norms of international law, as well as the legal norms of the contracting parties, which, thus, was involved in the orbit of another cultural and legal tradition.

The norms of international law include those articles of the treaty of 911 and other Russian-Byzantine agreements, the analogues of which are present in the texts of a number of other treaties of Byzantium. This applies to the limitation of the period of stay of foreigners in Constantinople, as well as to the norms of coastal law, reflected in the treaty of 911. Paragraphs of some Byzantine-Bulgarian agreements can be analogous to the provisions of the same text on fugitive slaves. Byzantine diplomatic agreements included clauses on terms (baths), similar to the corresponding terms of the agreement of 907. Documentation of Russian-Byzantine agreements, as researchers have repeatedly noted, is largely due to the Byzantine clerical protocol. Therefore, they reflected the Greek protocol and legal norms, clerical and diplomatic stereotypes, norms, institutions. This, in particular, is the usual for Byzantine acts mention of co-rulers along with the ruling monarch: Leo, Alexander and Constantine in the treaty of 911, Roman, Constantine and Stephen in the treaty of 944, John Tzimiskes, Basil and Constantine in the treaty of 971. Such there were usually no mentions either in Russian chronicles or in short Byzantine chronicles, on the contrary, in the form of Byzantine official documents it was a common element. The determining influence of Byzantine norms was reflected in the use of Greek weights, monetary measures, as well as the Byzantine system of chronology and dating: an indication of the year from the Creation of the world and an indict (the serial number of the year in the 15-year tax reporting cycle). The price of a slave in the contract as 911, as studies have shown, is close to the fork of the average price of a slave in Byzantium at that time.

It is important that the treaty of 911, as well as subsequent agreements, testified to the complete legal equality of both parties. The subjects of law were the subjects of the Russian prince and the Byzantine emperor, regardless of their place of residence, social status and religion. At the same time, the norms governing crimes against the person were based mainly on the “Russian law”. Probably, this refers to a set of legal norms of customary law that were in force in Rus' by the beginning of the 10th century, that is, long before the adoption of Christianity.

From "The Tale of Bygone Years"

In the year 6420 [from the Creation of the world]. Oleg sent his husbands to make peace and establish an agreement between the Greeks and Russians, saying this: “A list from the agreement concluded under the same kings Leo and Alexander. We are from the Russian family - Karla, Inegeld, Farlaf, Veremud, Rulav, Gudy, Ruald, Karn, Frelav, Ruar, Aktevu, Truan, Lidul, Fost, Stemid - sent from Oleg, the Russian Grand Duke, and from everyone who is at hand him, - bright and great princes, and his great boyars, to you, Leo, Alexander and Constantine, great autocrats in God, kings of Greece, to strengthen and to certify the many years of friendship that was between Christians and Russians, at the request of our great princes and by command, from all Russians under his hand. Our Grace, above all desiring in God to strengthen and certify the friendship that has always existed between Christians and Russians, judged fairly, not only in words, but also in writing, and with a firm oath, swearing by their weapons, to affirm such friendship and certify it by faith and according to our law.

Such are the essence of the chapters of the covenant to which we have committed ourselves in God's faith and friendship. With the first words of our treaty, let us make peace with you, Greeks, and begin to love each other with all our hearts and with all our good will, and we will not let happen, since it is in our power, no deceit or crime from our bright princes who are at hand; but we will try, as far as we can, to preserve with you, Greeks, in future years and forever an unalterable and unchanging friendship, by expression and tradition of a letter with confirmation, certified by an oath. In the same way, Greeks, observe the same unshakable and unchanging friendship towards our bright Russian princes and to everyone who is under the hand of our bright prince always and in all years.

And about the chapters concerning possible atrocities, we will agree as follows: those atrocities that will be clearly certified, let them be considered indisputably committed; and by whom they will not believe, let the side that strives not to believe this atrocity swear; and when that party swears, let there be such a punishment as the crime will be.

About this: if anyone kills - a Russian Christian or a Russian Christian - let him die at the scene of the murder. If the murderer runs away, but turns out to be a property owner, then let the relative of the murdered person take that part of his property that is due by law, but let the murderer's wife keep what is due to her by law. But if the fugitive murderer turns out to be indigent, then let him remain on trial until he is found, and then let him die.

If someone strikes with a sword or beats with some other weapon, then for that blow or beating let him give 5 liters of silver according to Russian law; if the one who committed this offense is poor, then let him give as much as he can, so that he takes off the very clothes in which he walks, and on the remaining unpaid amount, let him swear by his faith that no one can help him, and let him not this balance is collected from him.

About this: if a Russian steals from a Christian or, on the contrary, a Christian from a Russian, and the thief is caught by the victim at the very time when he commits the theft, or if the thief prepares to steal and is killed, then his death will not be exacted either from Christians or from Russians; but let the afflicted take what is his that he has lost. But if the thief voluntarily surrenders himself, then let him be taken by the one from whom he stole, and let him be bound, and give back what he stole in threefold.

About this: if any of the Christians or of the Russians, through beatings, attempts [on robbery] and obviously by force takes something that belongs to another, then let him return it in a triple amount.

If a boat is thrown by a strong wind onto a foreign land and one of us Russians is there and helps to save the boat with its cargo and send it back to the Greek land, then we will lead it through every dangerous place until it comes to a safe place; if this boat is delayed by a storm or stranded and cannot return to its places, then we, Russians, will help the rowers of that boat, and see them off with their goods in good health. If, however, the same trouble happens with the Russian boat near the Greek land, then we will lead it to the Russian land and let them sell the goods of that boat, so that if it is possible to sell anything from that boat, then let us, Russians, take [to the Greek coast]. And when [we, Russians] come to the Greek land for trade or as an embassy to your king, then [we, Greeks] let the sold goods of their boat pass with honor. If it happens to any of us, the Russians, who arrived with the boat, be killed or something is taken from the boat, then let the culprits be sentenced to the above punishment.

About these: if a prisoner of one side or another is forcibly held by Russians or Greeks, being sold into their country, and if, in fact, it turns out to be Russian or Greek, then let them ransom and return the ransomed person to his country and take the price of his purchase, or let him be a price was offered for him, which is due for a servant. Also, if he is taken by those Greeks in the war, let him return to his own country anyway and his usual price will be given for him, as already mentioned above.

If there is a recruitment into the army and these [Russians] want to honor your king, and no matter how many of them come at what time, and want to stay with your king of their own free will, then so be it.

More about the Russians, about the prisoners. Those [captive Christians] who came from any country to Rus' and are sold [by Russians] back to Greece, or captive Christians brought to Rus' from any country, all these should be sold for 20 gold coins and return to the Greek land.

About this: if a Russian servant is stolen, either he runs away, or he is forcibly sold and the Russians begin to complain, let them prove this about their servant and take him to Rus', but also the merchants, if they lose the servant and appeal, let them demand a court and, when they find - will take it. If someone does not allow an inquiry to be made, then he will not be recognized as right.

And about the Russians serving in the Greek land with the Greek king. If someone dies without disposing of his property, and he does not have his own [in Greece], then let his property be returned to Rus' to the closest younger relatives. If he makes a will, then the one to whom he wrote to inherit his property will take what was bequeathed to him, and let him inherit it.

About Russian traders.

About various people who go to the Greek land and remain in debt. If the villain does not return to Rus', then let the Russians complain to the Greek kingdom, and he will be captured and forcibly returned to Rus'. Let the Russians do the same to the Greeks if the same happens.

As a sign of the strength and immutability that should be between you, Christians, and Russians, we created this peace treaty by writing Ivan on two charters - your Tsar and with our own hand - we sealed it with an oath by the presenting honest cross and the holy consubstantial Trinity of your one true God and given to our ambassadors. We swore to your king, appointed from God, as a divine creation, according to our faith and custom, not to violate us and anyone from our country any of the established chapters of the peace treaty and friendship. And this writing was given to your kings for approval, so that this agreement would become the basis for establishing and certifying the peace that exists between us. September 2, indict 15, in the year from the creation of the world 6420.

Tsar Leon, however, honored the Russian ambassadors with gifts - gold, and silks, and precious fabrics - and assigned his husbands to them to show them the beauty of the church, the golden chambers and the riches stored in them: a lot of gold, curtains, precious stones and the passion of the Lord - a crown, nails , scarlet and the relics of the saints, teaching them their faith and showing them the true faith. And so he let them go to his land with great honor. The envoys sent by Oleg returned to him and told him all the speeches of both kings, how they made peace and put an agreement between the Greek land and the Russians and established not to break the oath - neither to the Greeks, nor to Rus'.

(translated by D.S. Likhachev).

© Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences

Bibikov M.V. Rus' in Byzantine diplomacy: treaties between Rus' and the Greeks of the 10th century. // Ancient Rus'. Questions of medieval studies. 2005. No. 1 (19).

Litavrin G.G. Byzantium, Bulgaria, Dr. Rus' (IX - early XII century). SPb., 2000.

Nazarenko A.V. Ancient Rus' on international routes. M., 2001.

Novoseltsev A.P. Formation of the Old Russian state and its first ruler // Ancient States of Eastern Europe. 1998 M., 2000.

The Tale of Bygone Years / Ed. V. P. Adrianov-Peretz. M.; L, 1950.

Which articles of the treaty relate to the economic sphere, and which to the political?

What was the ethnic composition of the Russian ambassadors mentioned in the treaty?

What specifically Greek realities appear in the text of the treaty?

Why are Russians and Christians opposed in the treaty?

Is it possible, on the basis of the treaty, to speak of a military alliance between Rus' and Byzantium?

The year 907 in the history of Rus' was marked by the legendary campaign against Constantinople (or, as it was also called, Tsargrad), which was led by Prince Oleg of Novgorod. This event is associated with a lot of speculation and doubts on the part of historians, many of whom do not believe in its authenticity for a number of reasons. In this article, we will tell in detail about Oleg’s campaign against Tsargrad (summary), and try to figure out whether this event really happened the way the ancient Russian chronicles depict it.

Who is Prince Oleg?

Oleg was the prince of Novgorod and the great from 882 to 912, which was the year of his death. After he received power over the Novgorod land (which happened after the death of Rurik) as regent for the minor Igor, he captured ancient Kyiv. It was this city that at that time was destined to become the capital and a symbol of the unification of the two main centers for the Slavs. That is why historians often consider him as the founder of the Old Russian state. And Oleg's subsequent campaign against Tsargrad became the reason for him to be called "Prophetic".

Why was Oleg called Prophetic?

As The Tale of Bygone Years tells us, Oleg's campaign against Tsargrad took place in 907. The annals talk about how the city was besieged and taken, and the courage and sharp mind of the prince, who outwitted the Byzantines, is sung. According to this source, he refused to take poisoned food from them, which is why he was nicknamed "Prophetic". People in Rus' began to call Oleg that way, who defeated the Greeks. In turn, his name comes from Scandinavia, and when translated means "holy."

Hike to Tsargrad

As already mentioned above, the content of the campaign and the Russian-Byzantine war is described in the PVL (Tale of Bygone Years). These events ended with the signing of a peace treaty in 907. This became famous among the people thanks to the following words: "Prophetic Oleg nailed his shield on the gates of Constantinople." But, nevertheless, this campaign is not mentioned in Greek sources, and also, in general, it is not mentioned anywhere, except in Russian legends and chronicles.

In addition, already in 911, the Russians signed a new document. Moreover, none of the historians doubts the authenticity of the conclusion of this agreement.

Byzantium and Rus

It should be noted that after the campaign of the Rus against Constantinople in 860, Byzantine sources do not indicate any conflicts with them. However, there is some circumstantial evidence to the contrary. For example, the instruction of Emperor Leo IV already at the beginning of the 10th century contains information that hostile "northern Scythians" use small ships sailing at fast speed.

Oleg's hike in The Tale of Bygone Years

As the legend about Oleg's campaign says, Tsargrad was taken not only with the involvement of the Slavs, but also the Finno-Ugric tribes, which are listed in the ancient Russian written monument of the early 12th century - The Tale of Bygone Years. According to the annals, some warriors traveled on horseback along the coast, while others traveled by sea with the help of two thousand ships. Moreover, more than thirty people were placed in each vessel. Historians still hesitate as to whether to believe the "Tale of Bygone Years" and whether the data about the campaign indicated in the annals are genuine.

Legends in the description of the campaign

The legend about Prince Oleg's campaign against Constantinople contains a large number of legends. For example, the narrative indicates that the ships moved on wheels, on which they were put by Oleg. The Byzantines were frightened by the Ruses heading towards Constantinople and asked for peace. However, they carried the poisoned dishes, which the prince refused. Then the Greeks had no choice but to give their consent to what Oleg offered. According to legend, they had to pay 12 hryvnias to all the soldiers, as well as a separate amount to the princes in Kyiv, Pereyaslavl, Chernigov, Rostov and other cities, except Novgorod. But the prince's victories did not end there. In addition to a one-time payment, the Greeks of Byzantium had to pay a permanent tribute to the Russians, and also agree to conclude an agreement (we are talking about the very agreement signed in 907), which was supposed to regulate the conditions of stay, as well as the conduct of trade by Russian merchants in Greek cities. The parties took mutual oaths. And Oleg, in turn, committed the very famous act that made him legendary, according to legend, in the eyes of the common people. He hung a shield on the gates of the Byzantine capital of Constantinople as a victorious symbol. The Greeks were ordered to sew sails for the Slavic army. Chronicles say that it was after Oleg's campaign against Tsargrad was completed in 907 that the prince became known among the people as "Prophetic".

However, if the stories of the ancient Russian chronicler about the Rus raid on Constantinople in 860 are based only on Byzantine chronicles, then the narrative of this raid is based on information obtained from legends that were not recorded. Moreover, several plots coincide with similar ones from the Scandinavian sagas.

Treaty of 907

What were the terms of the contract, and was it concluded? If you believe the "Tale of Bygone Years", then after the victorious actions of Prince Oleg in Constantinople, a document quite beneficial for Rus' was signed with the Greeks. The purpose of its main provisions is considered to be the resumption of peaceful and good-neighbourly relations between these peoples and states. The Byzantine government undertook to pay a certain amount of annual tribute to the Rus (and its size is quite substantial), as well as to pay a one-time payment of indemnity - both in money and in things, gold, rare fabrics, etc. The contract stipulated the above the size of the ransoms for each warrior and the size of the monthly allowance that the Greeks were supposed to give to Russian merchants.

Information about Oleg's campaign from other sources

According to the Novgorod First Chronicle, a number of events took place in a different way. At the same time, campaigns against Constantinople were carried out under the leadership, while the "Prophetic" was just a governor. The chronicle describes Oleg's legendary campaigns against Tsargrad in this way. At the same time, the year is indicated as 920, and the dating of the next raid refers the events to 922. However, the description of the campaign in 920 is similar in detail to the description of Igor's campaign of 941, which is reflected in several documents.

The information contained in the Byzantine chronicles written by Pseudo-Simeon at the end of the 10th century provides information about the Rus. In one of the fragments, some historians see details pointing to the predictions of the sages about the future death of Oleg, and in the personality of Ros - the prince himself. Among popular science publications, there is an opinion expressed by V. Nikolaev about the campaigns of the Ross against the Greeks, committed around 904. If you believe his constructions (which were not mentioned in the chronicles of Pseudo-Simeon), then the dews were defeated at Trikefal by the Byzantine leader John Radin. And only a few managed to escape from the Greek weapons because of the insight of their prince.

A. Kuzmin, when studying the text of the Chronicle of the Tale of Bygone Years about the deeds of Oleg, suggested that the author used texts from Bulgarian or Greek sources about raids led by the prince. The chronicler cited the phrases of the Greeks: "This is not Oleg, but Saint Demetrius, who was sent to us by God." Such words indicate, according to the researcher, at the time of the events in 904 - the Byzantines did not provide assistance to the Thessalonians. And Demetrius of Thessalonica was considered the patron of the robbed city. As a result, a large number of the inhabitants of Thessalonica were slaughtered, and only a few of them were able to free them from the Arab pirates. These words of the Greeks about Demetrius, unclear in context, could contain indications of revenge from Saint Constantinople, who was indirectly guilty of such a fate for the population.

How do historians interpret the information of the chronicle?

As mentioned above, information about the raid is contained only in Russian chronicles, and nothing is indicated in Byzantine writings on this subject.

However, if we look at the text part of the fragments of documents, which is given in The Tale of Bygone Years, we can say that, nevertheless, information about the campaign of 907 is not completely fictitious. The lack of data in Greek sources by some researchers is explained by the wrong date, which refers to the war in the Tale of Bygone Years. There are a number of attempts to make its connection with the campaign of the Rus (Dromites) in 904, while the Greeks fought with the army of pirates, which was led by Leo of Tripoli. The theory that most resembles the truth belongs to the authorship of Boris Rybakov and According to their hypothesis, information about the raid in 907 should be attributed to the events in 860. This war was replaced by information about unsuccessful campaigns under the leadership, which was inspired by legends about the extraordinary liberation of the Christian population from pagan tribes.

Campaign dating

It is not known exactly when Prince Oleg's campaign against Tsargrad was made. The year to which these events are attributed (907) is conditional and appeared after the chroniclers had made their own calculations. From the very beginning, the legends about the reign of the prince did not have an exact date, which is why later the information was divided into stages that were attributed to the initial and final period of his reign.

In addition, the Tale of Bygone Years contains information about the relative dating of the raid. It contains information that what was predicted by the sages (the death of the prince) actually happened five years after the campaign against Constantinople was made. If Oleg died no later than 912 (this is evidenced by the data on the sacrifice in the works of Tatishchev, which were performed during the appearance of Halle, the legendary comet), then the author calculated everything correctly.

The value of Oleg's campaign against Tsargrad

If the campaign really happened, then it can be considered a significant event. The document that was signed as a result of the campaign should be regarded as defining the relationship between the Greeks and the Russians for the next decades. Subsequent historical events, one way or another, were connected with those raids that were carried out by Prince Oleg, regardless of their correct dating.


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