The most famous and richest people of the Russian Empire. Russian merchants - builders of Russia What Russian merchants

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With a concept "merchant" the centuries-old history of Russia is connected. The chronicle of the Russian merchant class keeps the most important pages of our Fatherland. It is reflected in many state documents, rich materials of the regional level, and concerns the fate of the dynasties of the most eminent people of our country, thousands of representatives of the Russian people. How did the formation of the Russian merchant class take place, how did its practical activity unfold?

In ancient Rus', merchants were called townspeople who were mainly engaged in trade, carrying out entrepreneurial activities on their own behalf in order to make a profit. The first mention of merchants dates back to the 10th century. However, the concept of "merchants" finally crystallized in the first quarter of the 18th century. It began to be used in relation to the townspeople engaged in trade. Moreover, belonging to this estate was achieved by taking a merchant certificate from one of the three guilds and was lost if it was not renewed within the prescribed period.

Along with this, the concept has long been used in Rus' "guest" . It was originally used in relation to people who had trade relations with foreign markets, i.e. who traveled to "stay" in overseas states, as well as in relation to persons who came to sell and buy goods from other countries. This term is already known in the monuments of the tenth century. (Treaties of Oleg and Igor with the Greeks).

Since the XIII century in Rus' there was also a more generalized term "dealer" . The word “gostinodvorets” was also in use, which was the name of a merchant or his inmate, a seller who traded in the ranks. All these words are now obsolete, the concept of “entrepreneur” or “businessman” (from the English word business) has been introduced into circulation, meaning the business, occupation of a particular person.

Merchant people in Rus', starting from the 11th-12th centuries, gradually united into special groups of the population, which were distinguished by their property status and enjoyed the support of princely power. The first Russian merchant corporation arose in Novgorod in the 12th century. It absorbed large wholesale wax dealers and was called the Ivanovo community. Similar corporations of trading people existed in other cities of Ancient Rus' (“Moscow hundred”, “Surozhane”). It was during this period that the trade of Veliky Novgorod flourished, oriented mainly to the external market. The main partners of the Novgorod guests were representatives of the North German Hansa, which established a trade monopoly in the Baltic. Already in the XII-XV centuries. the intention of foreigners was discovered not to let Russian merchants into their domestic markets. The Hanseatics, using their accumulated experience in navigation, the strength of capital and forms of organization, sought to buy goods on the territory of Rus' and concentrated the profits from their sale in Europe in their hands. Novgorodians, at best, limited themselves to trade in the nearest foreign cities: Narva, Riga, Revel, only occasionally breaking through on small ships to Sweden and other countries. This feature of trade relations between foreign merchants and Russia was clearly manifested until the second half of the 19th century.

The natural growth of the merchant class in Rus' was interrupted by the Tatar-Mongol invasion, which dealt a heavy blow to the entire way of the country's economic life. It resumed in full only in the XIV century. Gradually rich and influential groups of merchants appeared in Moscow, Novgorod, Vologda, Nizhny Novgorod, Tver and other commercial and industrial centers of ancient Rus'.

Oprichnina caused significant damage to the development of the merchant class.

Meanwhile, at the end of the XVI century. Russian merchants united, depending on the amount of capital, into privileged corporations of guests and merchants of the living room and cloth hundreds. The most honorable place belonged to guests . This term became the name of the highest category of privileged merchants. A similar title was received from the tsar by the largest merchants with a turnover of 20 to 100 thousand rubles a year (a very large amount for that time). As a rule, the upper layer of the merchant class consisted mainly of residents of Moscow. The guests were followed by a trading category living hundred . This corporation was born in the 60s of the XVI century. Initially, it was also formed from Muscovites. In accordance with Russian traditions of dividing townspeople draft people into three categories, the living hundred was divided into “best”, “middle” and “junior”. It differed from the guests in the size of capital. In accordance with this, less difficult government services fell on her: members of the hundreds were elected to the positions of kissers or heads to mug and customs yards in cities.

According to the apt expression of the famous historian V.O. Klyuchevsky, these categories of merchants were the “financial headquarters of the Moscow sovereign”, a kind of “government instrument in managing the provincial commercial and industrial population”.

Many merchants of the hundreds of living rooms performed important government assignments. So, for example, Bogdan Shchepotkin (who had the middle name Elisha) was the customs head in Kholmogory, Yuri Konkin and others performed similar duties in Arkhangelsk. This elite township population lost its status at the beginning of the 18th century. In general, according to the latest data, 2781 people were in the merchant corporation of the living hundred, which existed in Rus' from the reign of Ivan the Terrible to Peter I, and 3036 people passed through the main corporations of the privileged Russian merchants along with the guests.

However, until the 17th century an independent “trading class” did not take shape in Russia. concept "merchants" at that time it meant only an occupation, and not a special class category of the population. At the same time, it can be said that the merchant ranks that arose in the distant past were a kind of precursor to the division of the trading class into guilds.

The most noticeable changes in the fate of Russian entrepreneurship occurred in the 18th century. Peter I, having begun major transformations in the country, was constantly looking for funds for their implementation and, in particular, for pursuing an active foreign policy, as well as for building a fleet, maintaining and arming the army, and creating domestic industry. The measures taken by the reformer regarding merchants were to strengthen their position, or, as stated in a number of Peter's decrees, to gather together "all-Russian merchants, like a scattered temple."

The transformations that began after 1861 led to the fact that by the end of the 19th century, the class isolation of the merchant class lost its significance and turned into an anachronism. This was largely facilitated by the adoption on June 8, 1898 at the initiative of the Minister of Finance S.Yu. Witte new law on trade tax. Instead of guild and non-guild enterprises, three groups of enterprises and trades were legalized: trade enterprises, industrial enterprises and personal trades. In turn, each of these groups was subdivided into parts in accordance with signs indicating the size and profitability of factories and plants.

From now on, the obligatory acquisition of merchant certificates for those wishing to engage in commercial activities was canceled, the merchant class ceased to be a synonym for a Russian entrepreneur. Persons of a non-merchant rank, peasants, nobles, etc., could freely enter the world of business. By these laws, the merchant class was reduced to nothing. The merchants began to sign up on the basis of considerations, extraneous trading activity. Jews, for example, were enrolled in the merchant class because in this way they received the right to live everywhere, regardless of the so-called Pale of Settlement. For a Russian merchant, it was important to receive the titles of a hereditary or honorary personal citizen, which gave some traditional privileges. A number of government measures led to the fact that the subject of commercial and industrial activity was not a "merchant" from the class point of view, but a trader or industrialist. The growth of the merchant class in the second half of the nineteenth century ceased. Representatives of the big trading and industrial bourgeoisie passed into the category of honorary citizens, into the nobility. On the other hand, a significant part of the nobility "noble class" by this time became bourgeois, embarking on the path of industrial and financial entrepreneurship.

Although until 1917 all estates in Russia formally retained their names and some rights, by the beginning of the 20th century a kind of class blurring was fully manifested in the country. The merchant class has become an integral part of the Russian bourgeoisie.

Merchants- people employed in the field of trade, purchase and sale. Just think about why one merchant surnames remained in the history of Russia, while others did not? After all, there were many merchants - hundreds and even thousands. But it is precisely these names of Russian merchants that have been preserved in the memory of the people. It means that they possessed some kind of power, a special kind of power. Perhaps directed, concentrated energy that helped them in the prosperity of their business (special program).

It is easy to see that merchant surnames differ significantly from aristocratic (noble) surnames. These families have different programs.

If you feel the strength, ability and desire to be a merchant in the modern world, and not just a merchant, but a good merchant, so that your business flourishes, then it might make sense to take surname-pseudonym of a famous merchant family. And with the help of such an energy-information connection, your business will receive an additional source of energy, support from an ancient merchant family.

Competition in business has always existed, and in the modern world it is becoming more fierce. Here, all possible technologies are used from NLP and magic to energy-informational support from the outside - and not only healers, psychics, magicians, but also by connecting to a well-known successful merchant family.

In the modern world, in the struggle for the market, the merchant who has more strength, more energy on his side will win.

In the event that you want to choose a merchant's surname and first name as a pseudonym, it is desirable to know exactly what information and energy this surname and name carries. Because a lot depends on what kind of business you are doing and on the energy-informational compatibility of the surname and name you have chosen with you (with your type of energy).

We carry out energy-informational diagnostics of the name and surname (separately and together), and also check them for compatibility with a specific person - will the pseudonym chosen by him help or hinder in his business.

Usually it is difficult for a person to guess with the choice of first and last name. Therefore, it is better to trust professionals.

There is one more thing. It happens that a person becomes famous, successful and rich, but the secret of his success is not in his first and last name, but in his special spiritual developments, which he acquired in his past incarnations and successfully implements in this life. Sometimes contrary to the surname and name.

The name and surname are not a panacea, a 100% guarantee of success in your business or career. The name and surname can act as an assistant (a source of additional energy) or as a brake.

Therefore, when choosing a pseudonym, you need to know its energy-informational component (main programs) - how suitable they are for you.

Below you can see the merchant names of Russia in alphabetical order.

Surnames of merchants and industrialists of Russia until 1913

Abamelek-Lazarev

Agafonov

Alekseev

Alikhanov

Alchevsk

Anisimov

Arzhenikov

Afanasiev

Balabanov

Banquets

Bakhrushin

Bessonov

Bogdanov

Bogomazov

Bolshakov

Borovkov

Brodsky

Brusnikin

Burgasov

Varykhanov

Vasiliev

Vinogradov

Vinokurov

Vorobyov

Vorontsov-Dashkov

Gavrilov

Galianov

Gunzburg

Gladyshev

Gornostaev

Dmitriev

Dubrovin

Evdokimov

Zavyalov

Kalachnikov

Kalashnikov

Kolmogorov

Kolobaev

Konovalov

Korsakov

Korchagin

Kostolyndin

Krapotkin

Dyers

Kuznetsov

Kurbatov

Latrygin

Lianozov

Logvinov

Lukyanov

Mammoths

Mantashev

Manuilov

Martynov

Medvedev

Melnikov

Meshchersky

Milovanov

Mikhailov

Ants

Muromtsev

Nastavin

Nemchinov

Nesterov

Neokladnov

Nikiforov

Ovsyannikov

Ovchinnikov

Hams

Parfenov

Passes

Perminov

Polovtsov

Polezhaev

Prasagov

Prasolov

Pribylov

Profits

Privalov

Prokhorov

Postnikov

Pugovkin

Pustovalov

Rakhmanov

Rostovtsev

Rastorguev

Reshetnikov

Rostorguev

Rybnikov

Ryabushinsky

Svetushnikov

Sveshnikov

Skuratov

Soldatenkov

Solovyov

Solodovnikov

Stroganov

Tatarnikov

Tereshchenko

Tolkachev

Tregubov

Tretyakov

Trofimov

Khlebnikov

Tsvetushkin

Tsvetushnikov

Chebotarev

Chistyakov

Shaposhnikov

Shelaputin

Source: A.V. Stadnikov. List of merchant Old Believer surnames in Moscow (XIX - early XX century)

Oleg and Valentina Svetovid

[email protected]

Our book "Name Energy"

Oleg and Valentina Svetovid

Our email address: [email protected]

Merchant surnames - success in trade. Technology of energy information connection

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On our sites, we do not provide links to magical forums or sites of magical healers. We do not participate in any forums. We do not give consultations by phone, we do not have time for this.

Note! We are not engaged in healing and magic, we do not make or sell talismans and amulets. We do not engage in magical and healing practices at all, we have not offered and do not offer such services.

The only direction of our work is correspondence consultations in writing, training through an esoteric club and writing books.

Sometimes people write to us that on some sites they saw information that we allegedly deceived someone - they took money for healing sessions or making amulets. We officially declare that this is slander, not true. In all our lives, we have never deceived anyone. On the pages of our site, in the materials of the club, we always write that you need to be an honest decent person. For us, an honest name is not an empty phrase.

People who write slander about us are guided by the basest motives - envy, greed, they have black souls. The time has come when slander pays well. Now many are ready to sell their homeland for three kopecks, and it is even easier to engage in slandering decent people. People who write slander do not understand that they are seriously worsening their karma, worsening their fate and the fate of their loved ones. It is pointless to talk with such people about conscience, about faith in God. They do not believe in God, because a believer will never make a deal with his conscience, he will never engage in deceit, slander, and fraud.

There are a lot of scammers, pseudo-magicians, charlatans, envious people, people without conscience and honor, hungry for money. The police and other regulatory agencies are not yet able to cope with the increasing influx of "Cheat for profit" insanity.

So please be careful!

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Genealogy of the Moscow merchants of the XVIII century. (From the history of the formation of the Russian bourgeoisie) Aksenov Alexander Ivanovich

New merchant surnames among eminent citizens of Moscow

By origin, the vast majority of "profitable" eminent citizens in Moscow came from provincial merchant families. The Kotelnikovs and Zhigarevs descend from the Kadom merchants, the Shapkins from the Vologda merchants, the Makarovs from the Dmitrov merchants, the Orlovs from the Rzhev merchants, the Gubins from the Orel merchants, the Kiryakovs from the Serpukhov merchants, the Dolgovs from the Kaluga merchants, the Nasonovs from the Pereyaslavl-Zalessk merchants, the Meshchaninovs from Kolomna. Only in two families the ancestors were peasants. Alexander Yakovlevich Uvarov enrolled in 1756 from the Konyushennaya palace settlement of the Serpukhov district in the Koshelnaya settlement 163*. Ivan Grigorievich Khryashchev was assigned until 1747 to the same settlement "according to trade" from the peasants of the palace village of Dedinov near Moscow 164*.

According to the time of joining the Moscow merchants, in addition to Uvarov and Khryashchev, three more can be attributed to Moscow old-timers. According to the tales of 1747, after the 1st revision, Stepan and Grigory Mikhailovich Nasonovs 165 * were transferred to Kadashevskaya Sloboda, and Timofey Ivanov 166 *, who received the nickname Kotelnikov 167 * in the 3rd revision. In 1744, Luka Ivanovich Dolgov was transferred to the Pankratievskaya Sloboda with his brother Athanasius 168*.

All the rest were assigned to the Moscow merchants much later: Gavrila Yakovlevich Zhigarev with his brother Vasily - in 1763 169 * , Mikhail Pavlovich Gubin and Andrei Avramovich Kiryakov with his brother Grigory - in 1770 170 * , Ivan Alekseevich Shapkin - in 1780 171 * , Ivan Alekseevich Makarov - in 1789 172 * and Ivan Dmitrievich Orlov - no later than 1788 173 *

The different dates of arrival in Moscow were reflected primarily in the state of family ties. Naturally, those of the merchants who signed up for the Moscow merchant society earlier had more opportunities to establish family relations among themselves. It is no coincidence, therefore, that the Kotelnikovs, Khryashchevs and Uvarovs were in close proximity through the Plotnikovs (see Diagram 9). Close relationships also developed between the Kotelnikovs and their countrymen Zhigarevs, who arrived somewhat later. The degree of relationship cannot be established here. A deaf reference to property 174* can only testify to the fact that it is rooted in Kadom. Is this why the Kotelnikovs took such an interested part in the fate of the newly arrived Vasily and Gavrila Zhigarev? The latter, immediately after moving to Moscow, lived in the house of Timofey Kotelnikov "in inmates" 175 * , and later had a bargain from him in the stern row 176 * .

Of course, not for everyone who has already become old-timers in Moscow, this was the rule. For example, among the relatives of the Nasonovs, we no longer meet a single future eminent citizen. This is apparently due to the fact that Stepan and Grigory arrived in Moscow with already established families, while for the merchants named above, their arrival coincided with the time of the conclusion of marriage unions.

These considerations on the nature of the formation of matrimonial ties can also be attributed to eminent citizens who joined the Moscow merchants in the 70-80s. Not all of them are related to each other. And the point here is not only that they did not have time to do this in time. The Makarovs, Orlovs, Shapkins arrived in Moscow with well-established family relationships. On the contrary, Mikhail Gubin and Grigory Kiryanov, who created their families after moving to Moscow, were in a close relationship (see Diagram 10).

Scheme 9

Scheme 10

It is important to note that these connections do not create the impression of random. The choice of relatives here looks so unmistakable that it leaves no room for such an idea. This is also confirmed by the business nature of family relations. We have already given an example with Zhigarev and Kotelnikov. Grigory Kiryanov and Mikhail Gubin also carried out joint trade with foreign countries. In 1772, they brought foreign goods to the port of St. Petersburg for a rather large amount, 27,367 rubles.177*

The fact that most of the persons assigned to the Moscow merchant class, future eminent citizens, arrived in Moscow no earlier than the middle of the 18th century, determined not only the conditions for the formation of family ties, but also the features of the formation and development of these surnames.

We have already seen that in the old Moscow clans, the ascent to the highest rung of the merchant class proceeded through the activities of previous generations. In families not of Moscow origin, from the moment when it is possible to investigate them, that is, after enrollment, a different picture is observed. In most cases, the arrivals themselves became eminent citizens. Quite naturally, therefore, questions arise: on what basis or in what way did these persons advance to the top of the merchant career? Did this promotion stem from the commercial and industrial occupations of the “Novomoskovsk” merchants or their parents in those provincial towns from which they moved, or was it solely the result of the operations that these people launched in Moscow?

According to the experience of previous researchers, it is known that the transition of peasants to the settlement was a common thing in the 18th century. They passed into different social strata, from the burghers to first-class merchants, while the motives for classifying the peasants into this society were very different. In this respect, the merchants considered here were only a fraction in the vast mass of people on the move. But it is this particle at the end of the 18th century. occupied a dominant position among the Moscow merchants. Therefore, it is so important to find out what caused their success.

Let us turn first to the natives of the peasantry. A. Ya. Uvarov, a year after being assigned to the Moscow merchants, according to the salary of 1757, paid 2 rubles. 40 kopecks is the usual amount for merchants of the 2nd guild. Only in 1766 he was "put" in the 1st guild with a salary of 12 rubles. It is noteworthy that by this time he already had a bargain in the drinking cellars 179*.

I. G. Khryashchev was ranked among the peasants “by trade” in the 2nd revision, and up to the 3rd revision he was still in the 7-hryvnia salary on the “former dwelling”. We do not have data on his salary and position at that time, but, probably, by 1764, when he submitted the tale for the 3rd revision, it was already quite strong, since the Khryashchev family lived in their own house 180 *. And since 1782, I. G. Khryashchev has already acted as a merchant of the 1st guild 181 * .

Of the merchants, only three, immediately after their arrival, were enrolled in the 1st guild. Luka and Afanasy Dolgov moved to Moscow after the death of their father, a well-known Kaluga merchant, apparently having received a solid inheritance from him. According to the salary book of 1748, they paid a tax of 15 rubles. and had bargaining at Gostiny Dvor 182*. Their rise is connected with foreign trade. Already in 1748-1749. they did business with foreign merchants 183*. In the 1970s, the Dolgovs exported hemp "over the sea". At the same time, they trade in foreign goods in Russia. During 1772-1775. in the port of St. Petersburg, Lukoy Dolgov purchased imported goods for 285,652 rubles. and Athanasius - by 282,474 rubles.185* Their turnover among Moscow merchants was one of the highest, and in some years no one exceeded it.

Demid Demidovich Meshchaninov arrived in Moscow already as a merchant of the First Guild and was immediately elected mayor of the city for a term from 1782 to 1786.186* Nephew of the famous Kolomna merchant and manufacturer Ivan Meshchaninov, he took an active part in his uncle's affairs, being his main assistant. They owe their wealth to distilling. In the 40s - early 50s, Ivan Meshchaninov, together with Kozma Matveev, maintained a particular distillery in the Kolomensky district, which produced a very significant amount of wine. In 1748 alone, they delivered 2000 buckets to the Moscow drinking yard, 1000 buckets to the village of Bronnitskoye, 1500 buckets to the village of Novospasskoye 187*.

After the decree of 1754 on the destruction of merchant distilleries 188 * Ivan Meshchaninov took part in the company for the maintenance of drinking fees in St. Petersburg. In 1757 he sent his nephew instead of himself for this task, whom he "authorized by power of attorney" 189*. This evoked unsuccessful opposition from the companion M. Gusyatnikov, who tried to transfer the petty-bourgeois part of the fees to Ivan Chirkin 190*. Much later, when Demid Meshchaninov was a Moscow merchant, his son Markel kept part of the Moscow drinking farm in 1787-1791191*

In 1777, Demid Meshchaninov appeared as the owner of the cloth factories of his late uncle, which had been established as early as 1754 in Kolomna, in the Kolomna and Zaraisk districts 192*. “During the dispatch of mastery” there were 490 bought and assigned peasants on them. The cloth they made was almost entirely supplied to the Kriegs Commissariat for the needs of the army.

The ownership of these factories was probably conditional for some time, since by inheritance they belonged to the daughter of Ivan Timofeevich Meshchaninov, collegiate adviser Tatyana Tetyusheva, from whom they were finally bought by Demid in 1787 for a large sum of 60,973 rubles. In addition, in 1780, at an auction, he bought for 2904 rubles. cloth factory of the Moscow merchant Alexei Yeremeev, located in Kadashevskaya Sloboda.

By 1797, serfs in the villages at the factories of D. Meshchaninov consisted of 608 men and 624 women 193*. Of these, only 11 are assigned, the rest are purchased. According to the decree of 1791, from 52.5 to 105 arshins of cloth were required from each soul annually for delivery to the army. Part of the fabrics produced by the peasants was delivered to Moscow to the Kadashev factory, where they were sheared, tufted and dyed. Most of the cloths were made by the peasants themselves, and they all went to the Kriegs Commissariat, since there was no "free sale" from the Meshchaninov factories.

After Demid, his son Markel was the owner of the factories. In 1809-1810. his factories were the largest among the "obligated" silk enterprises and one of the largest among the "free". They produced from 30 to 40 thousand arshins of cloth for delivery to the Kriegs Commissariat. As before, Markel Meshchaninov had 608 purchased and assigned "male sex". In addition, he had two small "free" factories in the Ryazan and Komstroma provinces, which employed 69 "landlord serfs" peasants 195 * .

The third of the out-of-town merchants, who immediately after their arrival in Moscow consisted of the 1st guild, was Ivan Dmitrievich Orlov 196*. He was not engaged in any commercial or industrial activities. But his fate is remarkable. By decree of August 4, 1797, he was elevated to the nobility "in respect for the merits" of his grandfather and father, who were burgomasters in Rzhev. In 1703, Ivan Dmitrievich's grandfather received from Peter I a "badge of distinction" for the "increase in customs revenues" 197*.

All the other "profitable" eminent citizens, after being enrolled in the Moscow merchants, for a more or less long period of time (mostly within 10 years) were listed as merchants of the 2nd guild, not standing out among the others. And this means that, although they did not come to Moscow empty-handed, they had to make a lot of efforts to take the place they subsequently achieved.

Each of them in this movement forward went his own way, but these ways were somewhat similar. Most of them started with petty trade in rows or shops. I. A. Makarov had a “tannery trade” at his house 198*, the Nasonovs traded in the mosquito and needle rows 199*, T. I. Kotelnikov and G. Ya-Zhigarev in the Surovsky 200*, A. A. silk 201* . Many went through public service, and through positions that could generate income. M. P. Gubin, for example, was in 1780 in the Treasury Chamber on the Stone Bridge a stall 202 *, I. G. Khryashchev in 1770 - burgomaster of the Moscow Magistrate 203 *, A. A. Kiryakov since 1779, and I. S. Nasonov since 1781 - a stall at the Moscow salt sale 204 * V. Ya. Zhigarev - a merchant in the Siberian order since 1778 205 * etc.

Their further rise was associated mainly with two areas of entrepreneurial activity - foreign trade and industry. V. Ya. Zhigarev, G. A. Kiryakov, M. P. Gubin, and Dolgovs traded abroad. Factories were started by the Nasonovs, G. A. Kiryakov, M. P. Gubin.

It is significant that industrial investments were made in the most promising branch of the textile industry of the late 18th - early 19th centuries - cotton - and coincided in time with its rapid rise in 1803-1809. 206* The Nasonovs bought 5 cotton and calico factories in 1796-1799. One cotton factory was acquired by them together with G. A. Kiryakov. At the same time, in 1800, the owners were allowed to buy 300 peasants for it, on account of which they bargained 80 souls with the princes Gagarins 207*. MP Gubin started in 1796 in the village of Uspenskoye, Moscow province, at a gunpowder factory and a paper factory, "inherited" to him by purchase deed in 1793 from the "major" E. E. Nedderhof, a cotton factory 208*. In the same village, he maintained the production of calico, which he used for stuffing calicoes and calicos 209*.

All these enterprises enjoyed government support and received government grants. Therefore, soon after the establishment, they stood on a par with the largest cotton factories of the Grachevs, Kornoukhovs and others. 1,350 pairs of stockings; 2,750 pairs of gloves; At that time, 268 civilian artisans worked in the factories.

At M. P. Gubin, the production of chintz and calico products reached in the late 18th - early 19th centuries. 200 thousand arshins for up to 150 thousand rubles. 212* The number of craftsmen also steadily increased: if in 1796 there were 45 purchased and 75 civilian employees 213*, then in 1812 a total of 517 people 214* .

The considered surnames are found among the manufacturers in 1810. However, their position has changed significantly. Gubin was still the largest chintz producer. Only at the newly acquired factory in the Kaluga province there were 640 mills, in which there were 1078 assigned and purchased and 501 civilian artisans, who produced 449,406 arshins of fabrics 215*. The production of the Nasonovs was noticeably reduced, which was probably due to the division of the brothers. Ivan Stepanovich, who in 1800 announced a capital of 51 thousand rubles in the category of eminent citizens. 216* and listed until his death (in 1813) as a first-class merchant 217*, retired from industrial activities. His younger brother Dmitry Stepanovich was no longer able to conduct business on the same scale, although his position was still quite strong. In 1810, he had 45 mills at his factory, 24 ascribed and purchased, and 94 civilian employees, through whose labor 113,900 arshins of fabrics were made.

If we turn to the fate of the "profitable" Moscow eminent citizens and their children, we can distinguish two groups among the studied genera. The first includes those families whose representatives were able to either maintain their position or achieve even greater success. Their number is relatively small. One can speak with certainty about becoming a nobleman only in one case, meaning I. D. Orlov, who received a diploma for the nobility. Three more received ranks that gave them the right to receive the nobility. J1. I. Dolgov "for labors" during the plague of 1771 by decree of 1775 was granted a titular adviser with the rank of land captain 219 *. D. D. Meshchaninov and his son Markel had the ranks of the 8th and 7th grades, respectively, collegiate assessor and court adviser.

We have no data on whether the awarding of these persons with ranks was followed by their official confirmation in the rank of nobility. However, it is quite obvious that the very fact of being awarded a rank was of great importance for the fate of their children, and above all their daughters. Representatives of small or even ancient, but impoverished noble families willingly married them. Of the ten daughters of Luka Dolgov, six married noblemen. The connection with the circle of creative intelligentsia is characteristic. Agrafena, for example, was married to the outstanding Russian architect Vasily Ivanovich Bazhenov, Maria was married to the architect E. S. Nazarov, and Praskovya was married to Professor S. G. Zabelin. One of the daughters, Irina, was the wife of Prince Ivan Pavlovich Gorchakov 221*.

The daughters of D. D. Meshchaninov also married noblemen, although their marriages were more modest. Elizaveta was married off to Major I.V. Khotyaintsev, Anna - to Captain 1st Rank P.N. Khomutov 222*.

In addition to the named surnames, it should be noted the Gubins, who held a firm position among the merchant elite and by the middle of the 19th century. went out to the nobles. The sons of Mikhail Pavlovich, who died in the rank of commerce adviser and first-class merchant in 1818, Pavel and Konstantin, after the death of their father were elevated to hereditary honorary citizenship, and in 1854, for charitable work in favor of the Elizabethan School, Pavel received the rank of privy councilor, giving hereditary nobility 223*.

The second, most numerous group of eminent citizens - people from provincial merchant and peasant families - are representatives of impoverished or extinct families. In turn, they can be divided into two parts. Some of them left the first guild merchants before, and others after 1812. Such a division raises, first of all, the question of the influence of the events of this time on the state of the merchants, in this case, its tops. It is known that the war had a devastating effect on the feudal merchant class. The ruin of Moscow was especially disastrous for the Moscow merchants. And here it is important to find out the degree of its influence in the general process of the destruction of the old merchant class, at least on the example of Moscow eminent citizens.

At least two of them were degraded in business and economic terms already in the first decade of the 19th century. In 1804 the adviser Andrey Ivanovich Shapkin retired from the bourgeoisie of commerce. In 1809 the same fate befell the 1st guild of the merchant, former eminent citizen Pyotr Ivanovich Khryashchev with his sons Ivan and Alexander 226*.

The beginning of the fall of eminent citizens in the first decade of the XIX century. observed on the example of the Kotelnikovs and Makarovs. After the death of Alexei Timofeevich Kotelnikov in 1801, two of his sons, Vasily and Nikolai, were dismissed in 1806 "to a different kind of life", and the youngest, Timofey, with his mother was in 1811 in the 3rd guild 227 *. His affairs finally deteriorated by 1814, when he was forced to move to the bourgeois class. Ivan Alekseevich Makarov, who declared capital as an eminent citizen in 1800, by 1811 was in the 2nd guild 229*. We find him in the same position in 1815, 230* , but his son Alexei, soon after his father's death in 1818, retires as a tradesman 231* .

One can definitely speak about the extinction of the clan after 1812 with respect to the Zhigarevs and Nasonovs. Vasily Gavrilovich Zhigarev, the only heir of the eminent citizen and court adviser Vasily Yakovlevich, who died in 1802, in 1811 was listed as the first guild merchant 232*, and in 1814 he was forced to become a tradesman 233*. The position of the family of Ivan Stepanovich Nasonov soon after World War II did not look so hopeless. True, he himself died in 1813, but his young son, who was 13 years old in 1815, was still listed for some time among the merchants of the First Guild, together with his mother and sisters. However, he could not maintain this level, and in 1834 we find him in the 3rd guild. More rapid after 1812 was the fall of the Nasonovs through Dmitry Stepanovich, the last owner of the cotton factory. In 1815 he was a merchant of the 2nd guild 236*, and in 1832 he became a tradesman 237*.

Thus, most eminent citizens, whose destinies are marked by inevitable extinction, begin or finally wither in the first decade of the 19th century. Rising at the end of the XVIII century. due to their own enterprise or a successful combination of circumstances on the top rung of the merchant class ladder, they did not provide this success with a solid base in the future. Characteristically, none of them started factories.

On the contrary, those eminent citizens who at the end of the XVIII century. invested in industrial enterprises, were among the leading Moscow merchants. Their fall was due to a greater extent to external causes. It is no coincidence that, according to the statements on the state of factories and plants for 1815, 238* not a single eminent Moscow citizen is found. The only exceptions were those whose factories were located in territories not subjected to hostilities. Such, for example, is the Klishinsky factory of the Gusyatnikovs.

Summing up, we should first of all note the fact that among Moscow eminent citizens there was not a single family whose representatives could use the legislative privilege for the right to transfer to the nobility in the 3rd generation. Few of those who received the nobility achieved this in other ways: using wealth and social activities (Gusyatnikovs), concluding marriage alliances with nobles, using the merits of their fathers and grandfathers. All others, not realizing their own position, paid with the fall of their descendants down the estate ladder.

In this regard, it is legitimate, firstly, to say that one of the main legislative privileges given to eminent citizenship in 1785 was only a fiction. The other side of the coin was determined by the departure of the second generation of eminent citizens from merchant occupations. The difference between the representatives of old and "profitable" surnames was only in the fact that eminent citizens themselves ended their professional activities in the old Moscow clans, and their children in the Novomoskovsk families.

But they were united by one thing - entrepreneurial failure. For this reason, some preferred a noble way of life, while others were forced to turn into bourgeois. Psychologically, it is quite clear that growing up in the conditions of well-being acquired by the labors of their fathers, sons could lose the grip inherent in their parents. However, the determining factor, of course, was the change in the economic atmosphere of the country, which presented them with problems that they were not ready to solve.

1* PSZ-1. T. XXII. No. 16188. Art. 132.

2* Klokman Yu. R. Socio-economic history of the Russian city, Second half of the 18th century. M., 1967. S. 118-119.

3* PSZ-1. T. XXIX. No. 22 418. S. 978.

4 * Eminent citizens could start factories, factories, sea and river vessels, they were exempted from corporal punishment, they were allowed to ride in the city in a four-wheeled carriage. See: PSZ-1. T. XXII. No. 16 188. Art. 133-135.

5* Ibid. Art. 137.

6* Materials ... M., 1886. T. 4. S. 439.

7* TsGIA of Moscow. F. 397. On. 1. D. 162. L. 3.

8 * Materials ... M., 1887. T. 4. App. 1. C. 1.

9* Ogloblin N. N. Review of columns and books of the Siberian order (1592-1768). Part four. Documents of the central administration//Readings in the OIDR. 1902. Book. 1 hour 3. S. 83.

10 * Materials ... M., 1891. T. 1. App. 3. P. 18.

11* Ibid. S. 26.

12* Zvyagintsev E. A. Moscow merchant-companionist Mikhail Gusyatnikov and his family // Moscow region in its past: Essays on the social and economic history of the 16th-19th centuries. / Under. ed. S. V. Bakhrushina. M., 1928. S. 61-74.

13* Ibid. S. 62.

14* Pavlenko NI On some aspects of initial accumulation in Russia // Ist. app. 1954. V. 54. S. 407.

15* TsGADA. F. 19. D. 212. L. 2ob,-3.

16* Ibid. L. 31v., 36.

17* Ibid. L. 12 about.

18* Ibid. L. 13.

19* Zvyagintsev E. A. Decree. op. S. 66.

The Gusyatnikovs also bought shops later. Only in 1752-1756. Mikhaila purchased 15 shops for the amount of 5980 rubles. (Zvyagintsev E. A. Decree. Op. P. 67.).

The ransom in Moscow was given to the companions for 10 years, and the case of their "abuses" dragged on until 1741.

22* Pyotr Sergeevich Gusyatnikov was still alive in 1740 with the rank of "companion worker" (TsGADA. F. 273. On. 1. Part 7. D. 29508), but his name is not found later on.

23* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 1760. L. 1. E. A. Zvyagintsev (op. cit. p. 64) names an even larger amount - 40 thousand rubles, which, however, is not confirmed by anything.

24* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 1760. L. 5.

25* Ibid. L. 10.

26* Ibid. D. 292. L. 1 rev.; F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/30. L. 5v.-6.

27* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/1. L. 25.

28* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 1822. L. 3.

29* Ibid. L. 3 about.

30* The turnover of P. and A. Batashevs was approaching the Gusyatnikovs, which reached 80 thousand rubles. (Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 445/28. L. 3).

31* Ibid. L. 2v.

32* Ibid. F. 273. On. 1. Ch. 8. D. 32805. S. 40.

33* Ibid. S. 237.

34* MP Gusyatnikov died on October 22, 1776. See: GLM. F. N. P. Chulkova. Folder 11. Notebook No. 17. S. 161a.

35* TsGIA of Moscow. F. 397. On. 1. D. 21. L. 3.

36* Ibid. D. 29. L. 2-2v.

37* Materials ... M., 1885. T. 3. S. 5.

After the death of A. S. Popov, Elizabeth was in a civil marriage with Count F. G. Orlov. Her two sons from her second marriage are known for the fact that one of them, Mikhail, was a prominent Decembrist, and the second, Alexei, as the commander of the Horse Guards Regiment, suppressed the uprising on December 14th. Subsequently, A. F. Orlov, head of the III department. See: Zvyagintsev E. A. Decree. op. pp. 72-73.

38* TsGIA of Moscow. F. 397. On. 1.

39* GLM. F. N. P. Chulkova. Folder 11. Notebook No. 17. P. 162.

40* Materials… Vol. 3. P. 3.

41* Ibid. M., 1883. T. 1, part 2. S. 2.

42* The youngest, Vasily, died in 1784, four years old. See: Ibid. T. 4. S. 2.

43* Ibid.

44* Capital books… 1795-1797 M., 1913. S. 1, 93, 298; TsGIA of Moscow. F. 397. On. 1. D. 162. J1. 1rev.

45* According to the "Next Book" of 1801, the eminent citizen N. M. Gusyatnikov "dropped out of the dignity of the nobility" (Materialy ... T. 4. App. 1. P. 1). However, in the tale of A. M. Gusyatnikov, filed for the 6th revision, N. M. Gusyatnikov is listed as a member of the bourgeoisie since 1808, together with his brother Alexander (Ibid. M., 1887. T. 5. S. 1) . It is therefore possible that the news of his retirement to the nobility was submitted to him before he was approved in this rank. He became a nobleman later, when he was promoted to hussar officer and "adopted into the best houses" (Zvyagintsev E.A. Decree. Op. P. 71).

46* Materials… V. 5. S. 1

47* Zvyagintsev E. A. Decree. op. S. 69.

48* Materials… T. 4. P. 2.

49* Zvyagintsev E. A. Decree. op. S. 69.

50* Capital books… 1795-1797. S. 298.

51* Materials… Vol. 4. App. 1. S. 1; T. 5. S. 1.

52* Zvyagintsev E. A. Decree. op. S. 69.

53* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 192. L. 1-6.

54* Zabelin IE Materials for the history, archeology and statistics of the city of Moscow. M., 1891. Part 2. S. 1463-1622.

55* GLM. F. N. P. Chulkova. Folder 11. Notebook No. 17. P. 162.

56* Public" sentences ... M., 1892. T. 2. S. 56.

57* Ibid. M., 1896. T. 3. S. 82.

58* Zvyagintsev E. A. Decree. op. S. 70.

59* GLM. F. N. P. Chulkova. Folder 11. Notebook No. 17. P. 162.

60* Materials ... M., 1883. Vol. 1, part 1. S. 107.

61* Ibid. S. 226.

62* Ibid. T. 1, part 2. S. 106.

63* TsGADA. F. 19. D. 212. L. 3.

64* Ibid. L. 13v.-14.

65* Ibid. F. 248. Book. 833. L. 69-79, 119-120, 144, 146, 148, etc.

66* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/4. S. 5.

67* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 642. L. 1 rev.

68* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/4. C. 1.

69* Ibid. S. 5.

70* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 642. L. -1 rev.

71* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/30. L. 45 about. One of the villages bought by A. Babushkin in 1750 was the village of Dudino in the Mikhailovsky district. It consisted of 30 courtyards with 173 male souls. See: Baburin Dm. Essays on the history of Manufacture College. M., 1939. S. 237.

72* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 642. L. 93-93v.

73* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/30. L. 46.

74* Ibid. D. 5276/4. S. 6.

75* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 642. L. 95-95v.

76* Ibid. D. 924. L. 96v.-97v.; D. 727. L. 2v.

77* Ibid. D. 727. L. 1 rev.

78* Ibid. D. 642. L. 2, 94.

79* Ibid. D. 727. L. 12.

80* Ibid. L. 15 rev.-16 rev.

81* Materials… T. 3. S. 193.

82* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 727. L. 11v.-27v.

83* In the first half of 1769 alone, goods were sold for 2,882 rubles, or 93.2% (Ibid., L. 1 rev.)

84* Materials ... M., 1884. T. 1. App. 1, part 2, p. 8; T-2. App. S. 52.

85* The sons of Andrei Babushkin, Ivan, Semyon and Peter, submitted separate tales to the 4th revision, but Semyon and Peter kept the silk factory together after the death of their father (TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 773).

86* Suffice it to say that the balance of unsold goods from the Kolosovs' silk factories was much smaller. In 1773, for example, they sold 95.1% of their products, in 1776 - 84.9%, in 1778 - 87.6% (Ibid. D. 762. L. 1, 3v., 14 and etc.).

87* Ibid. D. 924. L. 6.

88* Ibid. D. 170. L. 6 rev.

89* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/1. L. 22 about.

90* Ibid. D. 5276/30. L. 5 about.

91* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 924. L. 6.

92* Baburin Dm. Decree. op. S. 144.

93* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 924. L. 95.

94* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/1. L. 27v.; F. 277. Op. 2. D. 170. L. 2v, - 4v.

95* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 924. L. 100 rev., -101.

96* Ibid. L. 102 about.

97* Ivan died in 1795 at the age of 55. See: Materials ... T. 4. S. 439.

98* Ibid… T. 3. S. 193.

99* Ibid. T. 2, part 1. S. 81.

100* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 367, 484, 532; F. 397. On. 1. D. 445/28. L. 4v.-5; Arch. LOII. F. 36. On. 1. D. 556. L. 403-403 rev.; D. 570. L. 109v. 123 rpm, -124, 141.

101* Materials… Vol. 4. App. 1. p. 4.

102* Ibid. T. 5. S. 222.

103* Ibid. T. 4. App. 1. p. 8.

104* Ibid. T. 5. S. 222; M., 1887. T. 6. S. 144.

105* Ibid. M., 1888. T. 7. S. 152.

106* Ibid. M., 1889. T. 8. S. 176.

107* Ibid. T. 3. S. 7-8, 193.

108* Ibid. T. 1. App. 1, part 2. P. 2.

109* Ibid. T. 4. S. 4-5.

110* Ibid. S. 439.

111* Peter's eldest son, Pavel, left for military service during his father's lifetime, in 1778 (Ibid., vol. 3, p. 193), and there is no further information about him.

112* Capital books… 1795-1797 C. 1.

113* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 624. L. 2v.-3.

114* Ibid. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/4. S. 17.

115* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 10.

116* TsGADA. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/4; S. 19; F. 291. On. 1. Ch. 1. D. 4399.

117* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 661. L. 2.

118* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 10. L. 299 about, -300.

119* Ibid. L. 43v.-44.

120* According to the statements on the condition of the factories of Pankrat Kolosov himself, in 1766, 1768. products were produced for about 55 thousand rubles. annually (TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 661. L. 8-12v.).

121* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 10. L. 44.

122* TsGADA. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/4. L. 68d; F. 277. Op. 2. D. 624. L. 1117.

123* Ibid. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 860. L. 2.

124* GPB. Hermitage collection.

No. 288. L. 20.

125* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 624. L. 111v.-112.

126* Ibid. D. 860. L. 1 rev.

127* GPB. Hermitage collection.

No. 288. L. 20.

128* Materials… T. 4. S. 782.

129* Capital books… 1788-1791. M., 1912. S. 1, 237; Capital books ... 1792-1794. M., 1913. S. 1, 133.

130* Ivan Pankratievich Kolosov-big was married to the sister of Peter and Sergei Gusyatnikov Alexandra.

See: Materials ... T. 3. S. 404.

131* Arch. LOII. F. 36. On. 1. D. 560. L. 118, 150, 163v. and etc.

132* Capital books… 1795-1797. S. 1, 93.

133* I. P. Kolosov-big died in 1799. See: Materials ... V. 5. S. 381.

134* Ibid. T. 4. App. 1. S. 70.

135* Ibid. T. 5. S. 382.

136* Ibid. T. 6. S. 57.

137* Ibid. T. 8. S. 77.

138* Ibid. T. 5. S. 381.

139* Ibid. T. 6. S. 56.

140* Ibid. T. 7. S. 60.

141* TsGIA USSR. F. 18. Op. 2. D. 3. L. 5 rev.

142* Ibid. F. 16. On. 1. D. 1. L. 3.

143* Ibid. F. 17. On. 1. D. 44. L. 14, 19.

144* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 803. L. 11 - 15.

145* Compare: Isaev G. S. The role of the textile industry in the genesis and development of capitalism in Russia, 1760-1860. L., 1970. S. 90-92, 95-97, etc.

146* Materials… Vol. 1. App. 1, part 2. P. 12.

147* TsGADA. F. 397. On. 1. D. 521. L. 5.

148* Ibid. D. 5276/30. L. 25v.-26.

149* Ibid. F. 19. D. 40. L. 110.

150* Materials… T. 3. S. 5.

151* TsGADA. F. 397. On. 1. D. 5276/1. L. 1.

152* Ibid. D. 5276/16. L. 1 about.

153* Ibid. D. ^45/28. L. 4.

154* Materials… T. 3. S. 5.

155* There. T. 2. App. S. 94.

156* VV Surovshchikov Sr. died in 1780. See: Ibid. T. 3. S. 277.

157* Ibid. T. 4. S. 576.

158* Capital books… 1795-1797. S. 298; TsGIA of Moscow. F. 397. On. 1. D. 162. L. 2; Materials ... T. 4. App. 1. C. 1.

159* Materials… T. 5. S. 334.

160* Ibid. T. 4. S. 2.

161* Pankrat Kolosov, for example, in 1750 was elected to the Siberian order as a merchant (TsGADA. F. 291. Op. 1.4. 1. D. 4104) - a position that made it possible, with a certain resourcefulness, to extract considerable profits.

162* Baburin Dm. Decree. op. pp. 141 - 149.

163* Materials… Vol. 2, part 1. S. 147.

164* Ibid. T. 2, part 2. S. 111.

165* Ibid. S. 11.

166* Ibid. S. 110.

167* Ibid. T. 2, part 1. S. 138.

168* TsGADA. F. 291. On. 1. Ch. 1. D. 479; Materials ... V. 1, part 2. S. 23; T. 1. App. 1, part 2. P. 4.

169* Materials… Vol. 2, part 1. P. 14.

170* TsGADA. F. 291. On. 1. Part 4.

D. 15406; Materials ... T. 3. S. 26.

171* TsGADA. F. 291. On. 1. Part 4.

D. 20380; Materials ... T. 3. S. 30.

172* Materials… T. 4. S. 733.

173* According to the 4th revision of 1782, the Orlovs are not found. For the first time their surname appears in the "Books of capital ... 1788-1791" (p. 6).

174* Materials… T. 3. S. 287.

175* Ibid. T. 2, part 1. S. 14.

176* Ibid. T. 2. App. S. 105.

177* Arch. LOII. F. 36. On. 1. D. 570.

178* Kizevetter A. A. Posad community in Russia XVIII cent. M., 1903. S. 12, 15, 40-63.

179* Materials… Vol. 2. App. S. 96.

180* Ibid. T. 2, part 1. S. 143.

181* Ibid. T. 3. S. 288.

182* Ibid. T. 1. App. 1, part 1. P. 4.

183* TsGADA. F. 291. On. 1. Part 1.

184* Arch. LOII. F. 36. On. 1. D. 450. L. 20v.

185* Ibid. D. 556. L. 403; D. 570. L. 109v., 12Zob „ 141.

186* Materials… Vol. 4. App. 1. C. 1.

187* TsGADA. F. 273. On. 1. Part 7.

D. 30599. L. 10-15.

188* PSZ-1. T. XIV. No. 10261.

189* TsGADA. F. 273. Op. 1.4. 1. D. 2350.

190* Ibid. D. 2633.

191* Arch. LOII. F. 36. On. 1. D. 563. L. 118, 150 rev.-151, 163 rev.-164 rev.

192* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 10. L. 210v.-211.

193* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. .546. L. 1-2ob; D. 555. L. 3v, -4.

194* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 1. L. 1; D. 10. L. 40-41.

195* Ibid. F. 17. On. 1. D. 44. L. 4.

7 vol., 10; F. 18. Op. 2. D. 3. L. 40v.-41.

196* Materials… T. 4. S. 556.

197 * Noble families included in the General Armorial of the All-Russian Empire / Comp. gr. Alexander Bobrinsky. SPb., 1890. Part 2. S. 571-572.

198* Materials… T. 4. S. 733.

199* Ibid. T. 2. App. S. 13.

200* Ibid. pp. 94, 105.

201* Ibid. T. 4. S. 21.

202* Ibid. T. 4. App. 1. C. 1.

203* TsGADA. F. 291. On. 1. Part 4. D. 16013, 16132.

204* Materials… Vol. 4. App. 1. S. 1-2.

205* Ibid. C. 1.

206* Isaev G. S. Decree. op. pp. 153-154, 157.

207* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 16. D. 4. L. 12ob-13.

208* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 10. L. 298v.

209* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 318. L. 6 rev.

210* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 1. L. 4, 7v.

211* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 2. D. 316. L. 1-4, 7-7v., 9-9v.

212* TsGIA USSR. F. 16. On. 1. D. 10. L. 299.

213* TsGADA. F. 277. Op. 16. D. 4. L. 14v.

214* Ibid. Op. 2. D. 318. L. 13, 15.

215* TsGIA USSR. F. 17. On. 1. D. 44. L. 80.

216* TsGIA of Moscow. F. 397. On. 1. D. 162. L. 2.

217* Materials… V. 5. S. 9; T. 6. S. 5.

218* TsGIA USSR. F. 17. On. 1. D. 44. L. 78.

219* GLM. F. N. P. Chulkova. Folder 11. Notebook No. 9. P. 50.

220* Materials… T. 3. S. 58.

221* Ibid. T. 4. S. 95.

222* Ibid. S. 382.

223* Ibid. T. 7. S. 173; Pavlenko N. I. History of metallurgy in Russia in the XVIII century: Plants and plant owners. M., 1962. S. 513.

224* Ryndzyunsky P. G. Urban citizenship in pre-reform Russia. M., 1958. S. 61-62.

225* Materials… V. 5. S. 38.

226* Ibid. S. 326.

227* Ibid. pp. 282-283.

228* Ibid. T. 6. S. 81.

229* Ibid. T. 5. S. 362.

230* Ibid. T. 6. S. 117.

231* Ibid. T. 7. S. 131.

232* Ibid. T. 5. S. 283.

233* Ibid. T. 6. S. 81.

234* Ibid. S. 5.

235* Ibid. T. 7. S. 4.

236* Ibid. T. 6. S. 5.

237* Ibid. T. 7. S. 4.

238* TsGIA USSR. F. 18. Op. 2. D. 83-84.

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