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The origin of ethnopsychology as an independent science. History of the development of ethnopsychology

The origin of ethnopsychology in history and philosophy

Grains of ethnopsychological knowledge are scattered in the works of ancient authors - philosophers and historians: Herodotus, Hippocrates, Tacitus, Pliny, Strabo. Already in ancient Greece, the influence of the environment on the formation of psychological characteristics was noticed. The physician and founder of medical geography Hippocrates (460 BC - 377 or 356 BC) put forward the general position that all differences between peoples - including their behavior and customs - are connected with the nature and climate of the country.

Herodotus (born between 490 and 480 - d. c. 425 BC) is the "father" not only of history, but also of ethnography. He himself willingly traveled a lot and talked about the amazing features of the peoples he met during his travels. In the "History" of Herodotus, we meet with one of the first attempts at an etic approach, as the scientist seeks to explain the peculiarities of the life and character of different peoples that interested him in their natural environment and at the same time compares them with each other:

« Just as the sky in Egypt is different than anywhere else, and just as their river has different natural properties than other rivers, so the manners and customs of the Egyptians are in almost every respect opposite to the manners and customs of other peoples.(Herodotus, 1972, p. 91).

Rather, this is a pseudo-etic approach, since Herodotus compares any people with his compatriots - the Hellenes. The best example of an ethnographic essay by Herodotus is the description of Scythia, made on the basis of personal observations: he tells about the gods, customs, twinning rites and funeral rites of the Scythians, retells the myths about their origin. He does not forget about character traits, emphasizing their severity, impregnability, cruelty. Herodotus tries to explain the attributed qualities both by the features of the environment (Scythia is a plain rich in grass and well irrigated by full-flowing rivers), and by the nomadic way of life of the Scythians, thanks to which "no one can overtake them, unless they themselves allow it" (Herodotus, 1972, p. 198). In the "History" of Herodotus, we meet with many interesting observations, although he often gives completely fantastic descriptions of supposedly existing peoples. In fairness, it should be noted that the historian himself does not believe in stories about people with goat legs or about people who sleep for six months of the year.

In modern times, the first attempts to make peoples the subject of psychological observations were made in the 18th century. Again, it was the environment and climate that were considered as factors underlying the differences between them. So, discovering differences in intelligence, they explained them by external (temperature) climate conditions. The allegedly temperate climate of the Middle East and Western Europe is more conducive to the development of intelligence, and with it civilization, than the climate of tropical regions, where "heat stifles human efforts."

But not only intelligence was studied. The French Enlighteners of the 18th century introduced the concept of the “spirit of the people” and tried to solve the problem of its dependence on geographical factors. The most prominent representative of geographical determinism among French philosophers is C. Montesquieu (1689-1755), who believed that “many things control people: climate, religion, laws, principles of government, examples of the past, mores, customs; as a result of all this, a common spirit of the people is formed” (Montesquieu, 1955, p. 412). But among the many factors in the first place, he put forward the climate. For example, "the peoples of hot climates", in his opinion, are "timid, like old people", lazy, incapable of exploits, but endowed with a vivid imagination. And the northern peoples are “brave as young men” and are not very sensitive to pleasures. At the same time, the climate affects the spirit of the people not only directly, but also indirectly: depending on climatic conditions and soil, traditions and customs are formed, which in turn affect the life of peoples. Montesquieu believed that in the course of history the direct influence of climate weakens, while the effect of other causes intensifies. If "savages are dominated almost exclusively by nature and climate", then "the Chinese are governed by customs, in Japan the tyrannical power belongs to the laws", etc. (Ibid., p. 412).

The idea of the national spirit also penetrated the German philosophy of history in the 18th century. One of its most prominent representatives, a friend of Schiller and Goethe, J. G. Herder (1744-1803) considered the spirit of the people not as something incorporeal, he practically did not share the concepts of "folk spirit", "soul of the people" and "national character". The soul of the people was not for him something all-encompassing, containing all its originality. "Soul" Herder mentioned among other signs of the people, along with language, prejudices, music, and so on. He emphasized the dependence of mental components on climate and landscape, but also allowed the influence of lifestyle and upbringing, social order and history. Realizing how difficult it is to reveal the mental characteristics of a particular people, the German thinker noted that “... one must live with one feeling with a nation in order to feel at least one of its inclinations” (Herder, 1959, p. 274). In other words, he groped for one of the main characteristics of the emic approach - the desire to study culture from the inside, merging with it.

The soul of the people, according to Herder, can be known through their feelings, speeches, deeds, i.e. it is necessary to study his whole life. But in the first place he put oral folk art, believing that it is the world of fantasy that reflects the folk spirit in the best way. Being one of the first European folklorists, Herder tried to apply the results of his research in describing the features inherent in the "soul" of some of the peoples of Europe. But when he moved to the psychological level, the characteristics he singled out turned out to be little connected with the features of folklore. So, he described the Germans as a people of courageous morals, noble valor, virtuous, bashful, able to deeply love, honest and truthful. Herder also found a “flaw” among his compatriots: a cautious, conscientious, not to say slow and clumsy character. We are especially interested in the features that Herder attributed to the neighbors of the Germans - the Slavs: generosity, hospitality to the point of extravagance, love "for rural freedom." And at the same time, he considered the Slavs to be easily subordinate and submissive (Ibid., p. 267).

Herder's views are but one example of the close attention of European philosophers to the problem of the national character or the spirit of the people. The English philosopher D. Hume and the great German thinkers I. Kant and G. Hegel also contributed to the development of knowledge about the nature of peoples. All of them not only spoke about the factors influencing the spirit of peoples, but also offered "psychological portraits" of some of them.

1. Historical conditions and theoretical
prerequisites for the emergence of ethnopsychology

I. Herder's position on the people and its internal character and W. Humboldt's use of the concept “spirit of peoples”. The work of I. Kant "Metaphysics of morals" and its significance for the study of the "psychology of peoples". Anthropology by I. Kant and development of the problems of ethnopsychology in the treatise "Anthropology from a pragmatic point of view". The ratio of character, personality, gender, people, race and clan (person). The place of the empirical features of the ethnopsychology of peoples (peculiarities of the national character) in the theoretical anthropology of I. Kant.

The study of the subjective spirit in the philosophical system of G. W. F. Hegel. "Psychology of the people" as a form of manifestation of the subjective spirit. The structure of anthropological knowledge in Hegel's Encyclopedia of Philosophical Sciences. The problem of correlation between "natural spirits" and local spirits (national character). Factors influencing the specifics of the national character and its features among Italians, Germans, Spaniards, French and British. The problem of interaction between religion, ethnos (culture) and personality in Hegel. Elements

ethnopsychology in Hegel's Philosophy of History. Significance of "anthropology" of Hegel and Kant for the subsequent development of ethnopsychology.

2. From the “spirit of peoples” to the psychology of peoples

The first representatives of the psychological trend in cultural anthropology. A. Bastian and one of the first attempts at a psychological explanation of history. Bastian's work “Man in History” (vol. 1 “Psychology as a Natural Science”, vol. 2 “Psychology and Mythology”, vol. 3 “Political Psychology”). T. Waitz and his study “Anthropology of natural peoples” (6 volumes). Anthropology is the general science of man, synthesizing anatomy, physiology, human psychology and cultural history. The central problem according to T. Weitz is the study of “mental, moral and intellectual characteristics of people”.

Program article by M. Lazarus and G. Steinthal “Introductory discussions on the psychology of peoples” (in the journal “Psychology of peoples and linguistics”). The idea of Lazarus and Steinthal about two ethnopsychological disciplines - ethnohistorical psychology and psychological ethnology. Ethnopsychology as an explanatory and interdisciplinary science of the folk spirit, as a doctrine of the elements and laws of the spiritual life of the people.

Psychology of peoples W. Wundt. Intersubjective reality as the basis of the psychology of the spirit of peoples. W. Wundt's development of the principles of psychology II and a critical attitude to the principle of psychophysical parallelism. W. Wundt is the founder of the cultural-historical approach in the psychology of peoples.

Significance of studies of "group psychology" for the development of ethnopsychology (G. Tarde, G. Lebon). The role of the mechanisms of transmission of ethnopsychological stereotypes (imitation, suggestion, infection) for research

the psychology of cultures. “Psychology of the people (races)” by G. Lebon is an example of the manifestation of the positivist-biological trend in ethnopsychology.

3. Historical features of development
Ethnopsychology in Russia in the 19th - early 20th centuries.

The study of the features of the “soul of the people” in the works of historians (Klyuchevsky and others). Russian literature of the 19th century. (A. S. Pushkin, N. V. Gogol, L. N. Tolstoy, F. M. Dostoevsky) as a source for ethnopsychological analysis. Elements of ethnopsychology in the works of Russian philosophers of the 19th century. Creation of the course “Introduction to Ethnic Psychology” by G. Shpet in the 10-20s of the XX century. Development of ethnopsychological problems and principles of cultural-historical research in the “Moscow School of Cultural-Historical Psychology” (L.S. Vygotsky, A.N. Leontiev, etc.). Analysis of the features of the national character in the works of Berdyaev, Lossky, Ilyin.

4. Theoretical sources of ethnopsychology
(late XIX - first third of the XX century)

Philosophy of life in Germany as the most important theoretical source of ethnopsychology (and cultural anthropology in general). The role of V. Dilthey in substantiating the qualitative originality of psychology in general and the psychology of peoples in particular. Dilthey's radical revolution in the sciences of culture and historical knowledge, from collecting facts to understanding them in an integrative integrity.

Significance of Z. Freud's psychoanalysis for the development of ethnopsychology. The connection of the internal experiences of the individual with the external manifestations of culture is the most important position (Freud and Dilthey) for the subsequent development of ethnopsychology. The role of Gestalt psychology

and behaviorism for the first ethnopsychologists (the “culture-and-personality” direction in US cultural anthropology). The influence of the analytical psychology of C. Jung on ethnopsychology.

5. Ethnopsychology of the USA: from the “basic personality”
and “national character” “to the analysis of ethnic
identity” in the modern world

F. Boas and his role in the “understanding” of the problem “psychology in ethnology”. The importance of the psychological factor in cultures and the reflection of this circumstance in the concepts of cultural anthropologists. Understanding the role of psychology in cultures by Rivers, Radcliffebrown and other anthropologists of the beginning of the century. Justification of “cultural psychology” by A. Kroeber.

The first studies of R. Benedict and M. Mead. The principle of configurationism as the first form of integrative cultural-historical ethnopsychological research.

A cycle of ethnopsychological studies interpreted by A. Kardiner. Features of this area of research in US ethnopsychology. Differences of A. Kardiner's approach from the cultural-historical principles of the study. "National character" as a model of personality, reconstructed on the basis of the peculiarities of the history of the people, their way of life, the norms of everyday life, the norms of interpersonal communication, religion and traditions. “National character” is the main form of ethnopsychological research in the 1940s and 1950s.

New paradigms in ethnopsychology. Problems of "ethnic" identity and cultural pluralism. Model of multidimensional personality J. De Boca. Research of features of national-cultural "I". Application of J. G. Mead's interactionist model of personality in the analysis of the national-special "I".

6. Historical ethnopsychology

Psychological differences between written and pre-literate peoples. Historical features of the mentality of different eras (primitive, ancient, middle ages, modern times). Features of the mentality of the post-industrial era. The problem of reconstructing the "spirit" of the era. The work of A. Ya. Gurevich “Categories of medieval culture”.

Development of the concept of “social character” (E. Fromm). Study of the nature of the industrial age in Fromm's work "To have or to be". The linguistic aspect of the functioning of the social nature of the (market) industrial era. The problem of worldview in the West and East. Analysis of the influence of the confessional factor on the ethnopsychological characteristics of the personality in E. Fromm. The problem of "ethnos-religion-personality" in Hegel and Fromm. The value of the concept of M. Weber for understanding historical ethnopsychology.

Ethnopsychology is a science that arose at the intersection of social psychology, sociology and ethnography, which also to some extent study the national characteristics of the human psyche. (Andreeva G.M.) This is a science that studies the patterns of development and manifestations of national psychological characteristics of people as representatives of specific ethnic communities. Philosophy and sociology theoretically comprehend the psychological originality of ethnic groups and, above all, nations, and the specifics of its influence on interethnic communication of people.

Ethnos (ethnic community) is a real-life group of people that arises, functions, interacts and dies. Gumilyov said that an ethnos is a particular group of people that opposes itself to all other similar groups that have a special internal system and an original stereotype of behavior. According to J. Bromley, an ethnos is a stable set of people historically established in a certain territory who have common features of language, culture and psyche, as well as a consciousness of their difference from other similar formations.

Item. This is a sense of belonging to an ethnic group. (ethnicity) Ethnicity is a sociological category, belonging to an ethnic group on certain grounds (place of birth, language, culture)

A bit of history. The first grains of ethnopsychological knowledge contain the works of ancient authors - philosophers and historians: Herodotus, Hippocrates, Tacitus, Pliny the Elder, Strabo. Thus, the ancient Greek physician and founder of medical geography, Hippocrates, noted the influence of the environment on the formation of the psychological characteristics of people and put forward a general position according to which all differences between peoples, including their behavior and customs, are associated with nature and climate.

The first attempts to make peoples the subject of psychological observations were made in the 18th century. Thus, the French Enlightenment introduced the concept of "the spirit of the people" and tried to solve the problem of its dependence on geographical factors. The idea of the national spirit also penetrated the German philosophy of history in the 18th century. One of its most prominent representatives, I.G. Herder, considered the spirit of the people not as something incorporeal, he practically did not share the concepts of “soul of the people” and “people's character” and argued that the soul of the people can be known through their feelings, speeches, deeds, those. it is necessary to study his whole life. But in the first place he put oral folk art, believing that it is the world of fantasy that reflects the folk character.

The English philosopher D. Hume and the great German thinkers I. Kant and G. Hegel also contributed to the development of knowledge about the nature of peoples. All of them not only spoke about the factors influencing the spirit of peoples, but also offered "psychological portraits" of some of them.

The development of ethnography, psychology and linguistics led in the middle of the 19th century. to the emergence of ethnopsychology as an independent science. The creation of a new discipline - the psychology of peoples - was proclaimed in 1859 by the German scientists M. Lazarus and H. Steinthal. They explained the need for the development of this science, which is part of psychology, by the need to investigate the laws of mental life not only of individuals, but also of entire peoples (ethnic communities in the modern sense), in which people act "as a kind of unity." All individuals of one people have "similar feelings, inclinations, desires", they all have the same folk spirit, which German thinkers understood as the mental similarity of individuals belonging to a certain people, and at the same time as their self-consciousness.

The ideas of Lazarus and Steinthal immediately found a response in the scientific circles of the multinational Russian Empire, and in the 1870s an attempt was made in Russia to "embed" ethnopsychology into psychology. These ideas arose from the jurist, historian and philosopher K.D. Kavelin, who suggested the possibility of an “objective” method of studying folk psychology based on the products of spiritual activity - cultural monuments, customs, folklore, beliefs.

Turn of the 19th–20th centuries marked by the emergence of a holistic ethnopsychological concept of the German psychologist W. Wundt, who devoted twenty years of his life to writing a ten-volume Psychology of Peoples. Wundt pursued the fundamental idea for social psychology that the joint life of individuals and their interaction with each other give rise to new phenomena with peculiar laws, which, although they do not contradict the laws of individual consciousness, are not contained in them. And as these new phenomena, in other words, as the content of the soul of the people, he considered the general ideas, feelings and aspirations of many individuals. According to Wundt, the general ideas of many individuals are manifested in language, myths and customs, which should be studied by the psychology of peoples.

Another attempt to create ethnic psychology, and under this name, was made by the Russian thinker G.G. Shpet. Arguing with Wundt, according to whom the products of spiritual culture are psychological products, Shpet argued that in itself there is nothing psychological in the cultural-historical content of folk life. Psychologically different is the attitude to the products of culture, to the meaning of cultural phenomena. Shpet believed that language, myths, mores, religion, science evoke certain experiences in the bearers of culture, “responses” to what is happening before their eyes, minds and hearts. According to Shpet's concept, ethnic psychology should reveal typical collective experiences, in other words, answer the questions: What do people like? What is he afraid of? What does he worship?

The ideas of Lazarus and Steinthal, Kavelin, Wundt, Shpet remained at the level of explanatory schemes that were not implemented in specific psychological studies. But the ideas of the first ethnopsychologists about the connections of culture with the inner world of a person were picked up by another science - cultural anthropology.

Second part

Three branches of ethnopsychology. As a result of the disunity of researchers by the end of the 19th century. two ethnopsychologies were formed: ethnological, which today is most often called psychological anthropology, and psychological, for which the term cross-cultural (or comparative cultural) psychology is used. While solving the same problems, ethnologists and psychologists approach them with different conceptual schemes.

The differences in the two research approaches can be grasped using the old philosophical opposition of understanding and explanation, or the modern concepts of emic and etic. These terms, which cannot be translated into Russian, were formed by the American linguist K. Pike by analogy with phonetics, which studies sounds that are available in all languages, and phonemics, which studies sounds specific to one language. Later, in all the humanities, including ethnopsychology, emic began to be called a culturally specific approach, seeking to understand the phenomena, and etic - a universalist approach explaining the phenomena being studied.

The main features of the emic approach in ethnopsychology are: the study of the psychological characteristics of the bearers of one culture with the desire to understand them; use of culture-specific units of analysis and terms; the gradual disclosure of the phenomenon under study, and, consequently, the impossibility of hypotheses; the need to restructure the way of thinking and everyday habits, since the study of any processes and phenomena, whether it be a personality or ways of socializing children, is carried out from the point of view of the participant (from within the group); installation on the possibility of a collision with a new form of human behavior for the researcher.

The subject of psychological anthropology, based on the emic approach, is the study of how an individual acts, thinks, feels in a given cultural environment. This does not mean at all that cultures are not compared with each other, but comparisons are made only after their thorough study, carried out, as a rule, in the field.

At present, the main achievements of ethnopsychology are associated with this approach. But it also has serious limitations, since there is a danger that the researcher's own culture will become a standard for him to compare. The question always remains: can he immerse himself so deeply in a foreign, often very different from his own, culture in order to understand the peculiarities of the psyche of its bearers and give them an unmistakable or at least adequate description?

The main features of the etic approach, which is characteristic of cross-cultural psychology, can be considered: the study of the psychological life of individuals of two or more ethnic groups with the desire to explain intercultural differences and intercultural similarities; using units of analysis that are considered free from cultural influences; occupation by the researcher of the position of an external observer with the desire to distance himself from the studied ethnic groups; preliminary construction by the psychologist of the structure of the study and categories for its description, hypotheses.

The subject of cross-cultural psychology based on the etic approach is the study of similarities and differences in psychological variables in different cultures and ethnic communities. Cross-cultural research is carried out within different branches of psychology: general psychology studies the characteristics of perception, memory, and thinking; industrial psychology - problems of labor organization and management; developmental psychology - methods of raising children from different nations. A special place is occupied by social psychology, since not only the patterns of people's behavior due to their inclusion in ethnic communities are compared, but also the psychological characteristics of these communities themselves.

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Introduction

1.1 History of ethnopsychology

1.2 The concept of ethnopsychology

Bibliography

Introduction

The choice of this topic is dictated, first of all, by the relevance of the subject of study.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, a sharp aggravation of interethnic relations took place on the territory of the former USSR, which in a number of regions took on the character of protracted bloody conflicts. National features of life, national consciousness and self-consciousness have begun to play an incomparably more important role in the life of modern man than it was 15-20 years ago.

At the same time, as sociological studies show, the formation of national consciousness and self-consciousness in a modern person often takes place on the basis of inadequate sources: random sources, stories of parents and friends, and more recently from the media, which, in turn, incompetently interpret national problems.

Chapter I. The concept of ethnopsychology

1.1 History of ethnopsychology

The first grains of ethnopsychological knowledge contain the works of ancient authors - philosophers and historians: Hippocrates, Tacitus, Pliny the Elder, Strabo. Thus, the ancient Greek physician and founder of medical geography, Hippocrates, noted the influence of the environment on the formation of the psychological characteristics of people and put forward a general position according to which all differences between peoples, including their behavior and customs, are associated with nature and climate.

The first attempts to make peoples the subject of psychological observations were made in the 18th century. Thus, the French Enlightenment introduced the concept of "the spirit of the people" and tried to solve the problem of its dependence on geographical factors. The idea of the national spirit also penetrated the German philosophy of history in the 18th century. One of its most prominent representatives, I.G. Herder, considered the spirit of the people not as something incorporeal, he practically did not share the concepts of "soul of the people" and "people's character" and argued that the soul of the people can be known through their feelings, speech, deeds, i.e. it is necessary to study his whole life. But in the first place he put oral folk art, believing that it is the world of fantasy that reflects the folk character.

The development of ethnography, psychology and linguistics led in the middle of the 19th century. to the emergence of ethnopsychology as an independent science. The creation of a new discipline—the psychology of peoples—was proclaimed in 1859 by the German scientists M. Lazarus and H. Steinthal. They explained the need for the development of this science, which is part of psychology, by the need to investigate the laws of mental life not only of individuals, but also of entire peoples (ethnic communities in the modern sense), in which people act "as a kind of unity." All individuals of one people have "similar feelings, inclinations, desires", they all have the same folk spirit, which German thinkers understood as the mental similarity of individuals belonging to a certain people, and at the same time as their self-consciousness.

The ideas of Lazarus and Steinthal immediately found a response in the scientific circles of the multinational Russian Empire, and in the 1870s an attempt was made in Russia to "embed" ethnopsychology into psychology. These ideas arose from the jurist, historian and philosopher K.D. Kavelin, who expressed the idea of the possibility of an "objective" method of studying folk psychology based on the products of spiritual activity - cultural monuments, customs, folklore, beliefs.

Turn of the 19th-20th centuries marked by the emergence of a holistic ethnopsychological concept of the German psychologist W. Wundt, who devoted twenty years of his life to writing a ten-volume Psychology of Peoples. Wundt pursued the fundamental idea for social psychology that the joint life of individuals and their interaction with each other give rise to new phenomena with peculiar laws, which, although they do not contradict the laws of individual consciousness, are not contained in them. And as these new phenomena, in other words, as the content of the soul of the people, he considered the general ideas, feelings and aspirations of many individuals. According to Wundt, the general ideas of many individuals are manifested in language, myths and customs, which should be studied by the psychology of peoples.

The ideas of Lazarus and Steinthal, Kavelin, Wundt, Shpet remained at the level of explanatory schemes that were not implemented in specific psychological studies. But the ideas of the first ethnopsychologists about the links between culture and the inner world of man were picked up by another science - cultural anthropology.

1.2 The concept of ethnopsychology

Ethnopsychology is an interdisciplinary branch of knowledge that studies the ethnocultural characteristics of the psyche of people, the psychological characteristics of ethnic groups, as well as the psychological aspects of interethnic relations.

The term ethnopsychology itself is not generally accepted in world science; many scientists prefer to call themselves researchers in the field of "psychology of peoples", "psychological anthropology", "comparative cultural psychology", etc.

The presence of several terms for designating ethnopsychology is due precisely to the fact that it is an interdisciplinary branch of knowledge. Its “close and distant relatives” include many scientific disciplines: sociology, linguistics, biology, ecology, etc.

As for the “parental disciplines” of ethnopsychology, on the one hand, this is a science that in different countries is called ethnology, social or cultural anthropology, and on the other, psychology.

The object of study of ethnopsychology are nations, nationalities, national communities.

The subject - features of behavior, emotional reactions, psyche, character, as well as national identity and ethnic stereotypes.

Studying the mental processes of representatives of ethnic groups, ethnopsychology uses certain methods of research. The method of comparison and comparison is widely used, in which analytical comparative models are built, ethnic groups, ethnic processes are classified and grouped according to certain principles, criteria and characteristics. The behavioral method consists in observing the behavior of an individual and ethnic groups.

Methods of research in ethnopsychology include general psychological methods: observation, experiment, conversation, research of test products. Observation - the study of the external manifestations of the psyche of representatives of ethnic groups takes place in natural living conditions (it must be purposeful, systematic, a prerequisite is non-intervention). Experiment is an active method. The experimenter creates the necessary conditions for the activation of processes of interest to him. By repeating studies under the same conditions with representatives of different ethnic groups, the experimenter can establish mental characteristics. Happens laboratory and natural. In ethnopsychology it is better to use natural. When there are two competing hypotheses, a decisive experiment is applied. The method of conversation is based on verbal communication and has a private character. It is mainly used in the study of the ethnic picture of the world. Research of products of activity - (drawings, written compositions, folklore). Tests - must be a true indicator of the phenomenon or process being studied; give the opportunity to study exactly what is being studied, and not a similar phenomenon; not only the result of the decision is important, but also the process itself; should exclude attempts to establish the limit of the possibilities of representatives of ethnic groups (Minus: the psychologist is subjective)

So, ethnopsychology is the science of facts, patterns and mechanisms of manifestation of mental typology, value orientations and behavior of representatives of a particular ethnic community. It describes and explains the features of behavior and its motives within the community and between ethnic groups living for centuries in the same geohistorical space.

Ethnopsychology answers the question: how social and personal mechanisms of identification and isolation historically gave rise to deep psychological phenomena - national self-consciousness (expressed by the pronoun "we") with positive, complementary components of self-acceptance, awareness of neighboring ethnic groups ("they"), the ambivalent orientation of their correlation ( acceptance and cooperation, on the one hand, isolation and aggression, on the other.This science is an adjacent discipline with ethnography, ethnopedagogy, philosophy, history, political science, etc., interested in studying the social nature of man and his essence.

ethnopsychology science people

Chapter II. Modern ethnopsychology

2.1 Modern ethnic processes

The following processes are characteristic of the current stage of development of ethno-national relations:

1) ethnic consolidation of peoples, manifested in the development of their political, economic, linguistic and cultural independence, the strengthening of national-state integrity (by the end of the 20th century, individual peoples became subjects of not only domestic, but international politics);

2) interethnic integration - the expansion and deepening of cooperation between peoples in all spheres of life in order to better meet their needs (this trend is manifested in the process of globalization and regionalization);

3) assimilation - as if "dissolution" of some peoples into others, accompanied by the loss of language, traditions, customs, ethnic identity and ethnic identity.

In the modern world, such negative phenomena for the world order and international security as separatism - the desire for isolation, separation of ethnic groups from each other, secession - secession from the state of any part of it due to the victory of the separatist movement of the ethnically homogeneous population of this territory, are gaining strength. irredentism - the struggle for accession to the state of the border lands of a neighboring state, inhabited by representatives of the titular nationality of this state.

Many negative phenomena in interethnic relations are associated with the formation of ethnonations. This process has become decisive in the emergence of the ethnic paradox of modernity - a significant increase in the role of ethnicity in social processes, an increase in interest in ethnic culture against the backdrop of increasing internationalization of the cultural, economic and political life of mankind. The rise of ethnicity has become a natural response of people to the process of globalization, which today has engulfed all countries and peoples of the world. Under these conditions, ethnicity performs an integrative function - it unites representatives of ethnic groups, regardless of their class, social status or professional affiliation.

Today, the growing role of ethnicity has become a powerful conflict-generating factor, causing the emergence of ever new centers of inter-ethnic tension, fraught not only with local, but also regional and even world wars (the Chechen conflict in Russia, the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East, ethno-religious clashes in the UK, etc.). d.).

2.2 Ethnic problems of Russia in the context of modern world ethnic processes

Ethnic conflicts and ethnic problems of modern Russia are not an exceptional phenomenon, they have numerous analogies both in the modern world and in the history of mankind. Russia and other CIS states are included in the global ethno-conflict process, at the same time, ethnic conflicts in Russia have their own specifics, due both to the peculiarities of the current stage experienced by the country, and to the peculiarities of Russia's geopolitical position in the changing civilizational structure of mankind. The border position of our country at the junction of two types of civilizations - Western and Eastern - led to the presence in the ethno-conflict process of the country of both features that are more characteristic of Western and Eastern society. These problems can be considered in more detail in the following statement.

First, the ethno-conflictological problems of Russia in the context of the ethno-conflict process in the Western world.

Secondly, the ethno-conflict process in Russia and the challenges of modernization.

Thirdly, the ethno-conflict process in Russia and the emerging inter-civilizational shift.

The first of the problems stated for analysis involves the consideration of the social problems of Russia as part of the Western world, with all the cultural originality of our country, which, however, can also be said about many other Western countries, whose belonging to Western civilization is not disputed by anyone.

The obvious aspirations of Russian reformers, at the initial stage of the reforms of the nineties, for the organic inclusion of Russia into Western civilization, naturally assumed an orientation towards the creation of mechanisms for resolving national problems inherent in Western civilization, although this aspect of the reforms was of subordinate importance compared to the creation of a Western-type economic system. . However, this path failed, and this failure requires a more detailed analysis.

First of all, it should be noted that in the world scientific literature there are very contradictory assessments of the modern ethnic and ethnic conflict process in the Western world. While Western analysts, for the most part, designate the end of the 20th century as the century of nationalism and predict that such a feature will determine at least the first half of the 21st century, in Russian literature there is an idea, if not of the problem-free ethnic life of the West, then about the predominance of integration processes in it, which are usually considered in contrast to the ongoing disintegration processes in the former USSR. It should be noted that in the foreign scientific literature there is a similar trend that feeds domestic research in this area, but it is not decisive.

Ultimately, such phenomena as the ethnic paradox of modernity, the ethnic renaissance (ethnic revival) were first identified by Western social scientists when studying the processes taking place precisely in the West; these problems were posed, and the terms were formulated by American researchers who analyzed new phenomena in the ethnic life of the country after the apparent collapse of the "melting crucible" ideology. In the 1970s the concepts and concepts of "ethnic revival" and "ethnic paradox of modernity" began to be applied by European researchers to the analysis of the processes taking place in their own countries.

Modern unification processes in Europe are rather not a trend in ethnic processes in this part of the world, but a political response of Western European countries to a geopolitical challenge from old and new centers of geopolitical attraction in the world. A specific and important feature of this process is the absence of a unifying center that could be perceived as a kind of imperial center. If any European power began to claim this role, the unification process would most likely stop. Suffice it to recall how anxious the leading European politicians of the late 1980s were. caused the impending unification of Germany, which objectively turned this country into the largest Western European power.

According to this parameter, the processes in the CIS countries are fundamentally different from the processes in the European world. Although the objective need for integration is recognized by most of the newly independent states - the former republics of the USSR, only Russia can be the center of the unification process, at least in the present conditions. Despite numerous statements by the CIS members, including Russia itself, about the equal relations of partners in the CIS, the unification process cannot be of equal magnitude. Real processes, especially their economic component, are developing in the post-Soviet space rather than according to the model of Western European integration, but according to the model of the disintegration of the British Empire. Therefore, the target settings in the integrative processes in the CIS, made on the basis of an analogy with the European integration process, seem inadequate.

In addition, it is important to take into account that only the first practical steps towards the creation of an integrated Western Europe have been taken, and significant difficulties and contradictions have already been discovered along the way. It will be possible to judge the effectiveness of this process only after several decades, so far we are dealing rather with an attractive idea, for which, however, there are necessary grounds and favorable circumstances.

However, in the countries of the Western world, especially in Europe, considerable and, most importantly, generally significant experience in resolving ethnic conflicts and managing the ethnic conflict process has been accumulated. The basis of this experience is a developed civil society and democratic traditions of maintaining civil peace. Unfortunately, at the early stages of reforms, only some of these ties were singled out from the multi-complex and multi-level system of social ties that supported the stability of Western society, the ideologists of the reforms were artificially singled out on the basis of a vulgar deterministic methodology, only some of these ties were singled out, many of which themselves have a conflictogenic nature and which in the process The evolution of Western society over several centuries created a system of socio-political and spiritual balances.

Taking into account the experience of Western countries in managing the ethno-conflict process, the following main approaches to this process in our country are presented.

The first is the formation of the ideology of the priority of individual rights over the rights of all transpersonal social structures and the rights of civil society (which does not yet exist as such in Russia) over the rights of the state. Such a change in ideology in Russia is a real spiritual upheaval; in fact, this is the task of the enlightenment transformation of public consciousness.

The second approach, following from the first, is the further development of a new element in the public consciousness, which is a combination of Russian civic consciousness and national-ethnic consciousness. This component of public consciousness is very typical for the countries of Western Europe, where general civic consciousness actively interacts with regional, ethnic, proto-ethnic consciousness. The Russian public consciousness inherited from the Soviet period a favorable spiritual ground for the development of this component of public consciousness in the form of the idea of the unity of patriotism and internationalism. Despite the fact that the specific social and ideological foundations for the functioning of this idea in the public mind can no longer be renewed, the idea itself contains a component that can be considered within the framework of universal human values.

The new image of internationalism, freed from social class content and filled with the ideals and values of civil society (let's call it democratic internationalism), could fit into the value structure of modern Russian society much more successfully than the concept borrowed in recent years from the arsenal of American socio-political thought. ethnocultural pluralism, perhaps successful in a theoretical aspect, but incomprehensible to the ordinary consciousness of our society, or, for example, the concept of cosmopolitanism, the negative image of which is still preserved in the public consciousness of our country after the well-known processes of the early 1950s.

And, finally, the third approach to managing the ethno-conflict process in our country is the comprehensive development of federalism. The experience of Western countries has shown how promising federalism is in reducing the severity of ethno-conflict tension, although it does not represent a solution to all problems of nation-state building. It should be noted that federalism is a component of precisely the democratic structure of society; it can function stably only under democratic political regimes. The development of federalism is part of the formation of civil society, part of the general process of democratization.

Thus, all three directions of the transformation of the ethno-conflict process in modern Russia are in line with the democratic development of the country, the strengthening of democratic tendencies formed in the early stages of reforms, the liberation of the democratic process from pseudo-democratic and mimicking democracy layers.

The second problem proposed for consideration is the ethno-conflict process in Russia and the challenges of modernization. This aspect of the study of the ethno-conflict process in our country involves a change in the framework for considering the problem from the Western world mainly to the non-Western one. Modernization has a direct direct and inverse relationship with the ethno-conflict process, and this is clearly evidenced by the experience of countries that have already embarked on this path.

First of all, modernization intensively changes the ethno-economic stratification of society, activates "vertical elevators"; activities that were previously considered prestigious or profitable cease to be such, and vice versa. In multi-ethnic societies, which are the majority of modernizing countries or countries that have adopted a modernization orientation, the statuses of ethno-economic groups and, what is especially important, the images of these statuses are changing. At the same time, in modernizing societies, in the sphere of business, so unusual for traditional societies, as well as in the more familiar sphere of trade, often considered in many cultures as not quite clean, not to mention modern financial business, ethnic minorities are usually disproportionately represented. However, the field for real ethno-economic conflict between different ethno-professional groups is relatively small. A conflict arises not so much of the statuses of ethnic groups, but of the images of these statuses, when negative assessments (sometimes fair, sometimes not) of individual types of economic activity are transferred to the entire ethnic group oriented towards this type of activity.

However, much more important is the fact that catching up modernization, which is more in line with the realities of our country, has a focal, enclave character. This is typical both for the entire modernizing world at the end of the 20th century, and for individual countries. It is obvious that the stronger the traditionalist orientations in the culture of a particular people, the more transformations are needed in its economic, socio-political and spiritual structure. For Russian society, this is a very important and difficult task. Already today, there is a huge gap in the standard of living, the nature of occupations, even the mentality (which is clearly manifested in the results of numerous elections) between several large metropolitan areas, as well as donor regions, and the “rest” of Russia. So far, this trend has no pronounced ethnic aspect, since almost all of Central Russia is among the depressed regions. However, in case of successful development of modernization processes in the country, the situation may acquire a pronounced ethnic character, as was the case with the peoples of the North, who remained overwhelmingly outside the industrial stage of our country's development.

Disproportions in the formation of the national intelligentsia in the Soviet period, an incomplete social structure, persistent ethnoprofessionalism among many peoples with an ethnic homeland in Russia can play the role of a significant ethno-conflict factor in Russia. Entire regions of the country may be excluded from the modernization process, turning from an organic part of the modernizing space into ethnographic "museums" of traditional culture. If the modernization process is artificially accelerated in the regions of traditionalist orientation, a result similar to the result of industrialization may occur, when the jobs created in the field of industrial labor in order to form a national working class were filled mainly by the visiting Russian population.

Such a situation may arise, for example, in the North Caucasus, where, due to conflicts, the inflow of both domestic and foreign capital will be limited. This does not mean that non-modernizing regions will not be able to find a successful economic niche at all. In the North Caucasus, this may be, in the case of a decrease in the general conflict tension in the region, tourism and recreational services, which so far, however, seems unlikely both because of the generally unfavorable forecasts for a decrease in ethno-conflict tension, and a sharp increase in the requirements for the quality of such services from consumers who are able to pay for them. Or, for example, such a palliative and, of course, temporary solution as the creation of special economic zones, as is done in Ingushetia, is possible. The point is, however, that non-modernizing ethnic enclaves may appear in modernizing societies, which feeds the ideology of “internal colonialism” all over the world and, as a result, separatist tendencies.

And, finally, the third problem is the ethno-conflict process in Russia and the emerging inter-civilizational shift. An analysis of ethnic conflicts in different countries shows that, although ethnic conflicts are formed and actualized (pass from a latent phase to an open one), as a rule, on the basis of internal factors and contradictions, the further development of the ethnic conflict process, including the settlement or resolution of ethnic conflicts , external factors, primarily foreign policy factors, have a great, sometimes decisive influence. At present, the role of foreign policy factors in the ethno-conflict process in our country, as well as in other parts of the planet, has noticeably increased due to the beginning of an inter-civilizational shift of a global nature.

The phrase "formation of a unified world civilization", which is usually used to characterize the dynamics of world processes at the end of the 20th century, has a more metaphorical than a sociological or socio-historical meaning. The emergence of new complex connections in the world testifies only to the formation of new systemic relations, which are unlikely to necessarily lead, at least in the foreseeable future, to the formation of a single human civilization. Rather, we should talk about the formation of a new integrated world order, an order that is hierarchically organized, with complex internal contradictions, than about the formation of a world civilization.

For the development of the ethno-conflict process in Russia, the following geopolitical factors are most significant.

First, the geopolitical activity of Russia's traditional geopolitical rivals, such as Turkey and Iran, which played a significant role in ethnic and ethnic conflict processes in the past, has noticeably increased. Both countries claim the role of regional geopolitical leaders, the geopolitical interests of both powers include the Caucasus as a strategically significant region. Both Turkey and Iran can act and act as systems-attractors (using the terminology of synergetics) for the Muslim peoples of both the North Caucasus and Transcaucasia, which are experiencing the most acute comprehensive crisis, which will be used and used by these states to expand their sphere of influence. In addition, Turkey, having become one of the largest Black Sea powers, is objectively interested in maintaining the conflict between Russia and Ukraine over the ownership of Crimea and the Black Sea Fleet. This conflict still has the character of an interstate one, and ethnic components do not play a sufficient role in it to identify the conflict as ethnic. However, the evolution of the conflict in the direction of escalation, if the development of events goes along this path, will inevitably require ethnic mobilization, and the conflict can transform into an ethno-political one with a predominance of the ethnic dominant.

Although by the mid-1990s the unfeasibility of the idea of creating a single Turkic state, which was put forward immediately after the collapse of the USSR, was discovered, Turkey's claims to leadership and an integrating role in the Turkic world remain, and Turkey has objectively turned into a regional center of geopolitical attraction.

Secondly, new centers of geopolitical attraction have been formed, which, in an effort to consolidate the position of geopolitical leaders in competition with traditional geopolitical centers, are actively expanding their influence on the post-Soviet world. This applies primarily to China, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan. Thus, a multipolar geopolitical structure is being formed on the borders of the post-Soviet space, significantly influencing ethnopolitical processes within the countries of the former USSR.

The active involvement of new independent states with the titular Islamic population in the field of influence of traditional and new geopolitical centers leads to the transformation of the civilizational qualities of the new states, especially Central Asia, the growth of anti-Russian and anti-Russian sentiments in them at the household level, mass migration sentiments among the Russian and Russian-speaking population and the actual migrations.

The deepening divergence of two cultural layers - European and Asian - has become a fait accompli in post-Soviet Central Asia, and the problems of the Russian and Russian-speaking population are an external manifestation and discovery of this process, expressed in the usual for the end of the twentieth century. terms of ethnic revival. It is no coincidence that the Russian and Russian-speaking population of the Baltic states, hidden and openly discriminated against by the titular ethnic groups and its political structures, is actively fighting for their rights, looking, often very successfully, for their niche in the economic life of these countries, while among the non-titular population of the Central Asia, which has all political and civil rights, orientations to leave these countries are being strengthened. A powerful civilizational shift is taking place in the post-Soviet space, significantly changing the system of ethnic relations in the region.

Thirdly, Russia is objectively interested in becoming a new center of geopolitical attraction, primarily for the post-Soviet countries. This is one of the main imperatives of its existence at the turn of the century; otherwise, the country will turn out to be nothing more than a peripheral zone in the new world order of the 21st century. So far, as noted above, the processes are moving in the opposite direction, despite the abundance of integration-oriented statements and documents. The newly independent states, with the exception of Belarus, are striving to move away from Russia, and only urgent economic necessity prevents the acceleration of this process, and in some cases, gives rise to reverse trends. However, the disintegration process can be changed to an integration process, and Russia can become an attractor system for the post-Soviet states only if modernization is successfully carried out in it, an efficiently operating market economy of the modern type is created, and a civilized society is formed.

Russia is located in one of the most potentially ethno-conflict parts of the planet: on its territory, cultures and civilizations of various types interact within their historical areas; On the territory of the country, within the boundaries of their historical homeland, peoples live who have centers of cultural and civilizational attraction outside of Russia. All this creates a complex system of ethno-cultural-civilizational interaction in the Eurasian space, and some regions of the country, in terms of their geopolitical significance, are not inferior to such strategic territories as the Balkans, the Middle East, for the possession or influence of which, for centuries, there has been a hidden and open fight. The North Caucasus, as well as the Caucasus as a whole, is one of these territories, and maintaining influence in the Caucasus is one of the most important strategic ethnopolitical tasks of Russia at the end of the 20th century.

2.3 Contemporary ethnic processes among indigenous peoples

By the arrival of the Russians on the Yenisei at the end of the 16th century. many of the indigenous peoples had not yet formed and consisted of various tribes or tribal groups, loosely related to each other. Their final formation took place as part of the Russian state. During this long process, many small ethnic communities disappeared both in the process of consolidation into larger groups and as a result of their assimilation by Russians, Khakasses and other peoples. There were cases of extinction of individual tribes as a result of mass epidemics and famine.

Gradually, the Assans, absorbed by the Evenks, disappeared from the map of the Yenisei region; the Tints, Bakhtins, Mators of the Iarins, who disappeared among the Khakass; yugas who became Kets; Kamasinians assimilated by Russians. There were also reverse examples, when the Russian old-timer population of Central Taimyr was subjected to strong acculturation by local peoples, as a result of which an ethnographic group of Russians, the “tundra peasants”, was formed. In general, the processes of ethnic consolidation prevailed. Thus, the Turkic tribes of the south of the Yenisei region (Kachins, Sagais, Kyzyls, Beltirs, Koibals, etc.) merged into a single Khakass people, with the exception of the Chulyms, who lived separately in the taiga and retained the originality of the language and features of the economic structure. Numerous Tungus tribes, which had special names in the past, lived separately and often fought among themselves, became a single nationality, which received the ethnonym "Evenki" after the 1917 revolution.

The Yenisei Ostyaks of the middle Yenisei formed into the Ket people, while all the other Ket-speaking Yenisei tribes living to the south (Pumpokols, Assans, Bakhtins, etc.) were assimilated by Turkic-speaking nomads. The Samoyed tribes of Central Taimyr - the Tavgas, Tidiris, Kuraks - formed the Nganasan people, and the "Khantai Samoyeds" and "Karasin Samoyeds" received the ethnonym "Enets" in the 20th century.

In the same place, on the Taimyr Peninsula, in the 19th century, a new Dolgan ethnos was formed, by merging Russian old-timers and Evenks and Yakuts who migrated from Yakutia. Of the three languages, Yakut won, which later took shape in a special Dolgan language.

The Nenets moved to the north of the Krasnoyarsk Territory from the west after the annexation of this territory to Russia; At the same time, the Yakuts came from Yakutia to Lake Yessey. Thus, the term "indigenous peoples of the region" acquires a very relative character.

After the 1917 revolution, many peoples received new names. The Tungus became Evenks, the Yuraks became Nenets, the Tavg Samoyeds became Nganasans, the Minusinsk Tatars became Khakass, etc. However, not only ethnonyms changed, the whole way of life of these peoples underwent a radical restructuring.

The strongest transformation of the traditional economy of the aboriginal population of Krasnoyarsk was caused by collectivization, the formation of national collective farms and industrial farms in the 1930s-1950s. Equally active, especially in the 1950s-1970s, was the policy of settling of nomadic peoples, as a result of which many former nomads became residents of settlements specially built for them. This resulted in a crisis in reindeer husbandry as a traditional livestock sector and a decrease in the number of reindeer.

In the post-Soviet period, the number of deer in Evenkia decreased tenfold, and in many villages it disappeared completely. The Kets, Selkups, Nganasans, most of the Evens, Dolgans, Enets, and more than half of the Nenets were left without domestic reindeer.

Serious changes have taken place in the cultural sphere of indigenous peoples - the educational level has rapidly increased, national intelligentsia has been formed, some ethnic groups (Evenks, Nenets, Khakasses, etc.) have their own written language, they began to teach their native language in schools, printed materials began to be published - - national textbooks, fiction, periodicals.

The mass development of non-traditional occupations led to the transition of former reindeer herders and hunters to new areas of activity, they got workers, machine operators. The professions of a teacher, a doctor, and a cultural worker have become popular, especially among women.

In general, the changes that took place in the Soviet years were highly controversial and ambiguous. The seemingly good cause of creating boarding schools at stationary schools for the indigenous peoples of the North, where children on full state support could receive the necessary knowledge in the amount of secondary education, led to their separation from families, forgetting their language and national culture, to the inability to master traditional professions.

As shown by special field studies in 1993-2001, the traditional culture and way of life of most of the small peoples of the Krasnoyarsk Territory underwent a serious transformation. Thus, among the Kets, only 29% of men and not a single woman are employed in the traditional field of activity; among the Evenks, respectively, 29 and 5%; Dolgan - 42.5 and 21%; Nganasan - 31 and 38%; Enets - 40.5 and 15%; among the Nenets the situation is somewhat better - 72 and 38%.

The traditional dwellings of the northern peoples were practically not preserved by the Kets and Chulyms. Chum is used only by 21% of Evenk families, tents or beams have 8% of families among the Dolgans, 10.5% among the Nganasans, and 39% among the Nenets. Reindeer teams have long disappeared from the Nganasans, have become a rarity among the Enets, and the Dolgans have them only in 6.5% of families. Only among the Nenets every third still has the opportunity to use this means of transportation.

Settling in the settlements was accompanied by the breaking of the traditional way of life, the whole way of life. Most of the settlements in which indigenous peoples live are mixed in ethnic composition, therefore, intensive interaction between different peoples and mutual assimilation began, accompanied by a widespread transition to the Russian language.

Only the Evenks (only 28.5% of the ethnic group live in them), Dolgans (64.5%) and Nenets (52%) have mono-ethnic settlements. Moreover, the latter often live generally outside the settlements, and still roam in the tundra with deer, or live in 1-3 families per so-called. "Rybtochki", where they are engaged in fishing on their lands. It is no coincidence that it is precisely the Dolgans and Nenets who preserve their national culture better than other small peoples.

Strongly influence ethnic processes and interethnic marriages, which are becoming more and more. Among the Chulyms, two-thirds of all families are of mixed composition. Among the Kets, the proportion of mixed marriages is 64%, among the Nganasans - 48%, the Evenks - 43%, the Dolgans - 33%, the Enets - 86%. These marriages could lead to the rapid dissolution of small peoples among the alien nationalities, but this does not happen. Today, in the context of the Russian state's policy of paternalism towards the aboriginal peoples of the North, the majority of people of mixed origin (mestizos) self-identify as representatives of the indigenous ethnic group. The corresponding figure for the Kets is 61.5%, for the Nganasans 67%, the Nenets 71.5%, the Dolgans 72.5%, the Evenks 80%. The exception is the smallest ethnic groups - Chulyms (33%) and Enets (29%).

Mestizos, as a rule, have a weaker command of the language of their nationality, are less committed to traditional activities, and are less familiar with traditional culture. Meanwhile, their share in each of the nations is steadily growing. So, among the Chulyms in 1986, there were 42% of them, and in 1996 already 56%; between 1991 and 2002, the proportion of mestizos among the Kets increased from 61 to 74%. Mestizos made up 30.5% among the Nenets, 42% among the Dolgans, 51.5% among the Evenks, and 56.5% among the Nganasans; Enets - 77.5%.

Among children under the age of 10, this figure is even higher and ranges from 37% for the Nenets to 100% for the Enets. Everything indicates that, despite the efforts of the state, schools, cultural institutions, it is not possible to prevent assimilation processes.

Small ethnic groups quickly turn into groups of Russian-speaking mestizos, with very poor preservation of ethnic characteristics. The situation is better only among the Dolgans, since many of them live in single-ethnic settlements, and among the Nenets, a significant part of whom roam with reindeer or live far from stationary settlements.

At the same time, some elements of traditional culture remain stable, which do not allow the northern peoples to disappear. First of all, we are talking about the mass and widespread occupation of men by hunting and fishing. This, in turn, supports another type of traditional culture - national cuisine. Dishes from fish and game meat still occupy an honorable place in the diet of northern peoples. And one more encouraging fact is a stable national self-consciousness.

Despite the departure from their native language and culture, mixing in marriages, representatives of the northern peoples are not going to change their nationality to another. Therefore, in the context of the demographic crisis in Russia, the indigenous peoples of Krasnoyarsk not only retain their numbers, but even significantly increase it. The number of Dolgans, Nenets, Evenks, Enets, Selkups has grown significantly in the region. This means that these peoples are not threatened with extinction, they will continue to exist, albeit in a new guise.

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