Who are we – Buryats, Mongols or “dear Russians”? Buryats: what they really are In the Buryat language, the national character is the best features.
Buryats (self-name - buryaad, buryaaduud)
A look from the past
"Description of all the peoples living in the Russian state" 1772-1776:
The Buryats and Tungus worship the sun, the moon, fire, etc. as lower deities. They also have various idols of both sexes, which they recognize as household gods - this is similar to the primitive religion of all Siberian peoples. Lamas, who are also doctors, although they do not heal with anything other than spells, form a special hierarchy and are subordinate to the supreme lama in Transbaikalia (in Russian, lord lamait). The Buryats have no holidays in the proper sense of the word, the only solemn day they celebrate is the beginning of summer. Lamaism was brought to the Buryats by the Mongols, who in 1689 accepted Russian citizenship, and since 1764 the supreme lama of Transbaikalia became independent.
"Peoples of Russia. Ethnographic essays" (publication of the journal "Nature and People"), 1879-1880:
The Buryats, like the Mongols, have a brown-bronze skin color, a wide and flat face. the nose is small and flattened; their eyes are small, obliquely located, mostly black, their ears are large and far from the head; big mouth; sparse beard; the hair on the head is black. Those belonging to a spiritual rank cut their hair on the front of the head, and wear a braid in the back, into which, for greater density, horse hair is often woven. Buryats are of medium or small height, but strongly built.
Hamnigans are a Buryat sub-ethnos, formed with the participation of the Tungus tribes.
The nature of the Buryats is secretive. They are usually peaceful and meek, but angry and vengeful when offended. In relation to their relatives, they are compassionate and will never refuse to help the poor. Despite outward rudeness, love for one's neighbor, honesty and justice are highly developed among the Buryats; and although this is often limited only to the boundaries of their family and tribal community, there are also such individuals among them in whom these excellent qualities extend to all people without exception, no matter what nation they belong to.
According to the way of life, the Buryats are divided into sedentary and nomadic. There are no more than 10% of settled Buryats. They have adopted many Russian customs and differ little from them in their way of life. Nomads live differently. 
The Buryats adhere to the primitive tribal community. Groups of octagonal-round yurts are scattered across the wide steppe as oases. All around are pole fences, and in the fences there are all yurts, barns and various other buildings. Each ulus usually consists of several low pole fences, representing the appearance of a circle. In each such fence there are one, two, three or more yurts with different outbuildings. In one of these yurts lives the eldest in the Buryat family, an old man with an old woman, sometimes with some kind of orphan relatives. In another nearby yurt lives the son of this old man with his wife and children. If the old man still has married sons, then they also live in special yurts, but all in the same common fence, on both sides of the father's yurt. All this family and tribal circle has arable land, mowing, livestock - everything in common. All members of the fence work together. Sometimes they even have lunch together. At every gathering of guests, everyone participates like one family.
The only wealth of the Buryats is cattle breeding. Herds of cows, horses and sheep graze in the steppe both in summer and winter. Only young cattle remain in yurts with their owners during the harsh season. The Buryats have almost no pigs and poultry, for which it would be necessary to prepare winter supplies.
The Trans-Baikal Buryats rarely engage in agriculture, but if they have small shares, they irrigate them artificially, from which they get good harvests, while the Russians often complain about crop failures due to drought. The Buryats on this side of Lake Baikal do a lot of farming, which they learned from the Russians.
Men look after grazing cattle, build yurts and make household items - arrows, bows, saddles and other parts of horse harness. They are skilful blacksmiths, they themselves finish metals in small hand furnaces and rather dapperly clean horse harness with them. Women are engaged in the manufacture of felt, leather dressing, weaving ropes from horsehair, making threads from veins, cutting and sewing all kinds of clothes for themselves and their husbands, skillfully embroider patterns on clothes and shoes.
The situation of women among the Buryats is the saddest: in the family, she is a purely working animal, therefore, healthy ones are rarely found among them. A wrinkled face, bony hands, an awkward gait, a dull expression in her eyes and braids hanging down with dirty lashes - this is her usual look. But girls enjoy special love, honor, gifts and are sung in songs.
The dwellings of most of the Buryats consist of felt yurts. They range from 15 to 25 feet across and are most often pointed in shape. These yurts are made of poles stuck into the ground, the ends of which converge at the top. The poles are covered inside with several rows of felt. At the top there is a smoke hole, which can be closed with a lid. The entrance to the yurt, a narrow wooden door, always faces south. The floor of this dwelling is the land cleared of grass. In the middle of the yurt, under the smoke hole, there is a hearth, usually consisting of a quadrangular wooden box lined with clay inside. There is an elevation along the walls, on which the inhabitants of the yurt sleep and there are various household items, chests and cabinets. There is always a small sacrificial table on which they put the image of the gods, sacrificial vessels, incense candles. 
The original religion of the Buryats is shamanism, belief in spirits called "ongons", who rule over the elements, mountains, rivers and patronize a person. Buryat shamanists believe that shamans achieve knowledge of the secrets of ongons and can predict the fate of each person. At the end of the XVII century. the Trans-Baikal Buryats adopted Buddhism; part of the Buryats living on this side of Lake Baikal remained faithful to shamanism.
In addition to their pagan holidays, the Buryats celebrate St. miracle worker Nicholas with no less solemnity, because this saint is deeply revered. The Buryats especially revere St. Nicholas in the days of memory of this saint on December 6 and May 9.
After the festive service, a festivities begin, during which the burner flows like water. The Buryats suck up the passion for vodka almost with their mother's milk and are ready to drink it at any time, and on such a day as the feast of St. Nicholas, they even consider it as a sin for themselves not to drink an extra cup of araki. Buryats drink not from glasses, but from red wooden Chinese cups that look like saucers. In such a cup can fit from 3 to 5 of our glasses. A cup of Buryat is always drained in one gulp in two steps. Since St. Nikolai is honored by both Russians and Buryats, the feast in honor of this saint is common. As for drinking vodka, the Russian falls down from four cups, but the Buryat, who has consumed twice as much vodka, never, and no matter how drunk he is, it’s hard for him to drag himself to his horse, on which he fearlessly swings from side to side. side, but without losing balance, rushes to his yurts, where a feast begins in a few hours. This is how the feast of St. Nicholas by the Buryat Lamaists.
Contemporary sources
Buryats are a people, the indigenous population of the Republic of Buryatia of the Irkutsk region and the Trans-Baikal Territory of Russia.
There is a division according to ethno-territorial basis:
Aginskiye,
Alar,
Balaganskiye
Barguzinsky,
Bokhanskie,
Verkholensky,
Zakamensky
idinsky
Kudarinsky
Kudinsky
Kitoi
Nukut,
Okinsky
Osinsky,
Olkhonskiye,
Tunkinsky,
Nizhneudinskiye,
Khorinsky,
Selenginsky and others.
Some ethnic groups of the Buryats are still divided into clans and tribes.
Number and settlement
By the middle of the 17th century, the total number of Buryats was, according to various estimates, from 77 thousand to more than 300 thousand people.
In 1897, on the territory of the Russian Empire, 288,663 people indicated Buryat as their native language.
Currently, the number of Buryats is estimated at 620 thousand people, including:
In the Russian Federation - 461,389 people. (census 2010).
In Russia, the Buryats live mainly in the Republic of Buryatia (286.8 thousand people), Ust-Orda Buryat Okrug (54 thousand) and other districts of the Irkutsk Region, Aginsky Buryat Okrug (45 thousand) and other regions of the Trans-Baikal Territory.
In northern Mongolia - 80 thousand, according to 1998 data; 45,087 people, 2010 census.
Most of the Buryats in Mongolia live in the aimags of Khuvsgel, Khentii, Dornod, Bulgan, Selenge and the city of Ulaanbaatar.
In the northeast of China (Shenehen Buryats, mainly in the Shenehen area, Hulun-Buir district, Inner Mongolia - about 7 thousand people) and Barguts: (old) Huuchin barga and (new) Shine barga.
A certain number of Buryats (from two to four thousand people in each country) live in the USA, Kazakhstan, Canada, and Germany.
Number according to the All-Union and All-Russian censuses (1926-2010)
|
USSR |
Census |
Census |
Census |
Census |
Census |
Census |
Census |
Census |
|
237 501 |
↘224 719 |
↗252 959 |
↗314 671 |
↗352 646 |
↗421 380 |
|||
|
RSFSR/Russian Federation |
237 494 |
↘220 654 |
↗251 504 |
↗312 847 |
↗349 760 |
↗417 425 |
↗445 175 |
↗461 389 |
The origin of the ethnonym "Buryat"
The origin of the ethnonym "buryaad" remains largely controversial and has not been fully elucidated.
It is believed that the ethnonym "Buryat" (buriyat) was first mentioned in the "Secret History of the Mongols" (1240).
The second mention of this term appears only at the end of the 19th century. The etymology of the ethnonym has several versions:
From the word burikha - to evade.
From the ethnonym Kurykan (Kurikan).
From the word bar - tiger, which is unlikely.
The assumption is based on the dialectal form of the word buryaad - baryaad.
From the word storm - thickets.
From the Khakas word piraat, which goes back to the term buri (Turk.) - wolf, or buri-ata - wolf-father, suggesting the totemic nature of the ethnonym, since many ancient Buryat clans revered the wolf as their progenitor.
In the Khakass language, the common Turkic sound b is pronounced as p.
Under this name, the ancestors of the Western Buryats, who lived to the east of the ancestors of the Khakass, became known to the Russian Cossacks.
Subsequently, piraat was transformed into the Russian brother and was transferred to the entire Mongol-speaking population within the Russian state (brothers, brotherly people, brotherly mungals) and then adopted by the Ekhirits, Bulagats, Khongodors and Hori-Buryats as a common self-name in the form of Buryaads.
From the expression buru khalyadg - third-party, looking to the side.
This option comes from the Kalmyk layer in the semantic concept, the same as the burikh and khalyadg (khalmg) applied specifically to them after their resettlement from Dzungaria.
From the words bus - gray-haired, figuratively old, ancient and oirot - forest peoples, generally translated as ancient (indigenous) forest peoples.
The tribes involved in the ethnogenesis of the Buryats
Traditional Buryat tribes
Bulagaty
Khongodori
Khori Buryats
Ehirites
Tribes that came out of Mongolia
Sartuly
Tsongols
Tabanguts
Tribes of non-Mongol origin
soyots
hamnigans
Buryat language
Buryat-Mongolian language (self-name Buryaad-Mongol helen, since 1956 - Buryaad helen)
Belonging to the northern group of Mongolian languages.
The modern literary Buryat language was formed on the basis of the Khori dialect of the Buryat language.
Allocate dialects:
western (ekhirit-bulagatsky, barguzinsky);
eastern (Khorinsky);
southern (Tsongo-Sartul);
intermediate (Hongodor);
Barga-Buryat (spoken by the Barguts of China).
The Nizhne-Udin and Onon-Khamnigan dialects stand apart.
In 1905 Lama Agvan Dorzhiev developed the vagindra script.
Buddhist priests and mentors of those times left behind a rich spiritual heritage of their own works, as well as translations of Buddhist philosophy, history, tantric practices and Tibetan medicine.
In most datsans of Buryatia, there were printing houses that printed books in a xylographic way.
In 1923, with the formation of the Buryat-Mongolian ASSR, the Buryat-Mongolian language, which existed on the basis of the vertical Mongolian script of the old Mongolian script, was declared the official language.
In 1933, he was outlawed, but despite this, he still continued to officially bear the name Buryat-Mongolian.
In 1931-1938. The Buryat-Mongolian language was translated into the Latin script.
The situation began to change in 1939 with the introduction of the Cyrillic alphabet, which brought out the dialectical differences of the Buryats.
Only the colloquial form was adopted as the basis of the literary written language, in which all printed publications in the Buryat language were printed in the subsequent period.
The Latin script for the first time clearly showed the dialectal differences of the Buryats, but at the same time, the Buryat language, written in the Latin alphabet, still continued to retain its Mongolian basis of the language: vocabulary, grammar rules, style, etc.
Religion and beliefs
For the Buryats, as well as for other Mongolian peoples, a complex of beliefs is traditional, denoted by the term Pantheism or Tengrianism (bur. hara shazhan - black faith).
According to some Buryat myths about the origin of the world, at first there was chaos, from which water was formed - the cradle of the world. 
A flower appeared from the water, and a girl appeared from the flower, a radiance emanated from her, which turned into the sun and moon, dispelling the darkness.
This divine girl - a symbol of creative energy - created the earth and the first people: a man and a woman.
The highest deity is Huhe Munhe Tengri (Blue Eternal Sky), the embodiment of the male principle. The earth is feminine.
The gods live in the sky, during the time of their ruler Asarang-tengri the celestials were united. After his departure, Khurmasta and Ata Ulan began to challenge the power.
As a result, no one won and the tengris were divided into 55 western good and 44 eastern evil, continuing the eternal struggle among themselves.
From the end of the 16th century, Tibetan Buddhism of the Gelugpa school (Bur. Shara Shazhan - yellow faith) became widespread, largely assimilating pre-Buddhist beliefs.
A feature of the spread of Buddhism among the Buryats is the greater proportion of pantheistic beliefs compared to other Mongolian peoples who accepted the teachings of the Buddha.
In 1741 Buddhism was recognized as one of the official religions in Russia.
At the same time, the first Buryat stationary monastery, the Tamchinsky datsan, was built.
The spread of writing, the development of science, literature, art and architecture are connected with the establishment of Buddhism in the region.
It has become an important factor in shaping the way of life, national psychology and morality.
From the second half of the 19th century, the period of rapid flowering of Buryat Buddhism began.
Philosophical schools worked in datsans; here they were engaged in book printing, various types of applied art; theology, science, translation and publishing, and fiction developed.
Tibetan medicine was widely practiced.
In 1914, there were 48 datsans in Buryatia with 16,000 lamas, but by the end of the 1930s, the Buryat Buddhist community ceased to exist.
Only in 1946, 2 datsans were reopened: Ivolginsky and Aginsky.
The revival of Buddhism in Buryatia began in the second half of the 1980s.
More than two dozen old datsans have been restored, new ones have been founded, lamas are being trained in Buddhist academies in Mongolia and Buryatia, and the institution of young novices at monasteries has been restored.
Buddhism became one of the factors of national consolidation and spiritual revival of the Buryats.
Since the second half of the 1980s, the revival of Pantheism also began on the territory of the Republic of Buryatia.
Western Buryats living in the Irkutsk region positively perceived the trends of Buddhism.
However, for centuries, among the Buryats living in the Baikal region, pantheism has remained a traditional religious trend, along with Orthodoxy.
The Orthodox include a part of the Buryats in the Irkutsk region, whose ancestors were baptized Orthodox in the 18th-19th centuries.
Among the Buryats there is a small number of followers of Christianity or the Russian faith - "the tribe of shazhans".
The Irkutsk diocese, founded in 1727, launched a wide range of missionary activities.
Until 1842, the English Spiritual Mission in Transbaikalia operated in Selenginsk, which compiled the first translation of the Gospel into the Buryat language.
Christianization intensified in the second half of the 19th century.
At the beginning of the 20th century, 41 missionary camps and dozens of missionary schools functioned in Buryatia.
Christianity achieved the greatest success among the Western Buryats.
This was manifested in the fact that Christian holidays became widespread among the Western Buryats: Christmas, Easter, Ilyin's day, Christmas time, etc.
Despite superficial (sometimes violent) Christianization, the majority of Western Buryats remained pantheists, while Eastern Buryats remained Buddhists.
According to ethnographic studies, in relation to individuals, until the 20th century, part of the Buryats (in the Ida and Balagan departments) practiced the rite of air burial.
Economic structure
The Buryats were subdivided into semi-sedentary and nomadic, ruled by steppe councils and foreign councils.
The primary economic basis consisted of the family, then the interests poured into the closest relatives (bule zon), then the economic interests of the “small homeland” where the Buryats lived (nyutag) were considered, then there were tribal and other global interests.
The basis of the economy was cattle breeding, semi-nomadic among the western and nomadic among the eastern tribes.
Practiced keeping 5 types of domestic animals - cows, sheep, goats, camels and horses. Traditional crafts were widespread - hunting and fishing.
The entire list of by-products of animal husbandry was processed: skins, wool, tendons, etc.
The skins were used to make saddlery, clothes (including dokhas, pinigi, mittens), bedding, etc.
Wool was used to make felt for the home, materials for clothing in the form of felt raincoats, various capes, hats, felt mattresses, etc.
The tendons were used to make thread material, which was used to make ropes and in the manufacture of bows, etc.
Jewelry and toys were made from bones.
Bones were also used to make bows and arrow parts.
From the meat of 5 of the above domestic animals, food was produced with processing using waste-free technology.
They made various sausages and delicacies.
women also used the spleen for the production and sewing of clothes as a sticky material.
The Buryats knew how to produce meat products for long-term storage in the hot season, for use on long migrations and marches.
A large list of products was able to obtain during the processing of milk.
They also had experience in the production and use of a high-calorie product suitable for long-term isolation from the family.
In economic activity, the Buryats widely used available domestic animals: the horse was used in a wide range of activities when moving over long distances, when grazing domestic animals, when transporting property with a cart and with sledges, which they also made themselves.
Camels were also used to transport heavy loads over long distances. The emasculated bulls were used as draft power.
The technology of nomadism is interesting, when a barn on wheels was used or the “train” technology was used, when 2 or 3 carts were attached to a camel.
A hanza (a box measuring 1100x1100x2000) was installed on the carts to store things and protect them from rain.
They used a quickly erected felt house ger (yurt), where fees for migration or settling in a new place were about three hours.
Also in economic activities, Banhar dogs were widely used, the closest relatives of which are dogs of the same breed from Tibet, Nepal, as well as the Georgian Shepherd Dog.
This dog shows excellent watchdog qualities and a good shepherd for horses, cows and small livestock.
national dwelling
The traditional dwelling of the Buryats, like all nomadic pastoralists, is a yurt, called a ger among the Mongolian peoples (literally, a dwelling, a house).
Yurts were installed both portable felt and stationary in the form of a frame made of timber or logs. 
Wooden yurts, 6 or 8 coal, without windows, a large hole in the roof for smoke and lighting.
The roof was installed on four pillars - tengi, sometimes a ceiling was arranged.
The door to the yurt is oriented to the south, the room was divided into the right, male, and left, female, half.
In the center of the dwelling there was a hearth, along the walls there were benches, on the right side of the entrance to the yurt, shelves with household utensils, on the left side - chests, a table for guests.
Opposite the entrance - a shelf with burkhans or ongons, in front of the yurt they arranged a hitching post (serge) in the form of a pillar with an ornament.
Thanks to the design of the yurta, it can be quickly assembled and disassembled, it is light in weight - all this is important when moving to other pastures.
In winter, the fire in the hearth gives warmth, in summer, with an additional configuration, it is even used instead of a refrigerator.
The right side of the yurt is the male side, a bow, arrows, a saber, a gun, a saddle and a harness hung on the wall.
The left one is female, there were household and kitchen utensils.
In the northern part there was an altar, the door of the yurt was always on the south side.
The lattice frame of the yurt was covered with felt, soaked in a mixture of sour milk, tobacco and salt for disinfection.
They sat on quilted felt - sherdag - around the hearth.
Among the Buryats living on the western side of Lake Baikal, wooden yurts with eight walls were used.
The walls were built mainly from larch logs, while the inner part of the walls had a flat surface.
The roof has four large slopes (in the form of a hexagon) and four small slopes (in the form of a triangle).
Inside the yurt there are four pillars on which the inner part of the roof rests - the ceiling. Large pieces of coniferous bark are laid on the ceiling (with the inside down).
The final coating is carried out with even pieces of turf.
In the 19th century, wealthy Buryats began to build huts borrowed from Russian settlers, with elements of the national dwelling preserved in the interior decoration.
Black and white blacksmiths
If in Tibet blacksmiths were considered unclean and settled far from the villages, then among the Buryats the blacksmith-darkhan was sent by Heaven itself - he was revered and feared no less than a shaman.
If a person was sick, then a knife or an ax made by the hands of the darkhan was placed near his head.
This protected from evil spirits that sent diseases, and the patient was cured.
The gift of darkhan was passed down from generation to generation - the succession came from a heavenly blacksmith named Bozhintoy, who sent his children to earth.
They gave this divine craft to the Buryat tribes and became the patrons of this or that blacksmith's tool.
Blacksmiths were divided into black and white. Black darkhans forged iron products.
Whites worked with non-ferrous and precious metals, mainly with silver, so they were often called mungen darkhan - a silver master.
Black smiths bought raw materials in Mongolia or mined and smelted iron themselves in small forges.
After the Buryats accepted Russian citizenship, ferrous metal began to be taken from Russian industrialists.
The art of the Buryat blacksmiths was considered more perfect than that of the Tungus masters, although their work was also highly valued.
Buryat iron products with a silver notch were known in Russia as “fraternal work” and were valued along with Dagestan and Damascus products.
Darkhans forged stirrups, bits, horse harness, traps, sickles, scissors, boilers and other items for household needs.
But in the Great Steppe, first of all, they became famous for the manufacture of weapons and shells that could not be pierced by a bullet from squeakers.
Knives, daggers, swords, arrowheads, helmets and armor went to Mongolia.
White blacksmiths created real decorative works.
Most iron products were decorated with silver - there was a special method for welding these metals, which was distinguished by an exceptional strength of the connection. Masters often decorated silver and gold jewelry with multi-colored corals.
The recognized masters were darkhans Zakamna, Djid, Tunka, Oki.
Darkhans of Eravna were known for the technique of silvering iron products.
Kizhinga was famous for its saddle makers, the Tugnuiskaya valley for skillful casting.
Folklore
Buryat folklore consists of myths about the origin of the universe and life on earth, uligers - epic poems of large size: from 5 thousand to 25 thousand lines, etc.
Among them: "Abai Geser", "Alamzhi Mergen", "Ayduurai Mergen", "Erensei", "Buhu Khaara".
More than two hundred epic tales have been preserved in the memory of the Buryat people.
The main one is the epic "Abay Geser" - "Iliad of Central Asia", well-known in Mongolia, China and Tibet.
The Uligers sang recitatives by Uligershin narrators, who memorized epics in hundreds of thousands of lines about celestials and heroes).
Three-part fairy tales - three sons, three tasks, etc.
The plot of fairy tales with gradation: each opponent is stronger than the previous one, each task is more difficult than the previous one.
Topics of proverbs, sayings and riddles: nature, natural phenomena, birds and animals, household items and agricultural life.
National clothes
Each Buryat clan has its own national dress, which is extremely diverse (mainly for women).
The national dress of the Trans-Baikal Buryats consists of degel - a kind of caftan made of dressed sheepskins, which has a triangular notch on the top of the chest, pubescent, as well as sleeves tightly wrapped around the hand brush, with fur, sometimes very valuable.
In summer, the degel could be replaced by a cloth caftan of the same cut.
In Transbaikalia, dressing gowns were often used in the summer, for the poor - paper, and for the rich - silk.
In rainy times, a saba, a kind of overcoat with a long kragen, was worn over the degel.
In the cold season, especially on the road - daha, a kind of wide dressing gown, sewn from dressed skins, with wool outward.
Degel (degil) is pulled together at the waist with a belt sash, on which a knife and smoking accessories were hung: a fire starter, a ganza (a small copper pipe with a short shank) and a tobacco pouch.
A distinctive feature from the Mongolian cut is the chest part of the degel - enger, where three multi-colored stripes are sewn into the upper part. 
At the bottom - yellow-red (hua ungee), in the middle - black (hara ungee), at the top - various - white (sagaan ungee), green (nogoon ungee) or blue (huhe ungee).
The original version was - yellow-red, black, white.
Narrow and long trousers were made of roughly dressed leather (rovduga); a shirt, usually made of blue fabric - in order.
Shoes - in winter, high fur boots made from the skin of foals' legs, in the rest of the year, gutals - boots with a pointed toe.
In summer they wore shoes knitted from horsehair with leather soles.
Men and women wore small-brimmed round hats with a red tassel (zalaa) at the top.
All the details, the color of the headdress have their own symbolism, their own meaning.
The pointed top of the hat symbolizes prosperity, well-being.
Silver pommel denze with red coral at the top of the cap as a sign of the sun, illuminating the entire Universe with its rays, and brushes (zalaa seseg) denote the rays of the sun.
The semantic field in the headdress was also involved during the Xiongnu period, when the entire complex of clothing was designed and implemented together.
An invincible spirit, a happy fate is symbolized by the hall developing at the top of the cap.
The sompi knot means strength, strength, the favorite color of the Buryats is blue, which symbolizes the blue sky, the eternal sky.
Women's clothing differed from men's in decorations and embroidery.
For women, the degel is turned around with colored cloth, on the back - at the top, embroidery in the form of a square is made with cloth, and copper and silver jewelry from buttons and coins are sewn onto clothes.
In Transbaikalia, women's dressing gowns consist of a short jacket sewn to a skirt.
Girls wore from 10 to 20 braids, decorated with many coins.
Around their necks, women wore corals, silver and gold coins, etc.; in the ears - huge earrings supported by a cord thrown over the head, and behind the ears - "polty" (pendants); on the hands are silver or copper bugaks (a kind of bracelets in the form of hoops) and other jewelry.
Dance
Yokhor is an ancient Buryat circular dance with chants.
Each tribe had its own specifics.
Other Mongolian peoples do not have such a dance.
Before the hunt or after it, in the evenings, the Buryats went out to the clearing, kindled a large fire and, holding hands, danced yokhor all night long with cheerful rhythmic chants.
In the tribal dance, all grievances and disagreements were forgotten, delighting the ancestors with this dance of unity.
National holidays
Sagaalgan - White Month Holiday (New Year according to the Eastern calendar)
Surkharban - Summer holiday
Eryn Gurbaan Naadan (lit. Three games of husbands) is an ancient holiday of the Buryat tribes, its roots go back to millennia.
At this holiday, where representatives of different tribes gathered, agreed on peace, declared war.
Two names are used. "Surkharban" - from the Buryat language means archery and "Eryn Gurbaan Nadaan" - actually the Three games of husbands.
At this festival, mandatory competitions are held in three sports - archery, horse racing and wrestling.
They prepare for the competition in advance, the best horses are selected from the herd, archers train in target shooting and hunting, wrestlers compete in the halls or in nature.
The victory at Surkharban is always very prestigious for the winner and for his whole family.
Traditional cuisine
From time immemorial, foods of animal and combined animal and vegetable origin have occupied a large place in the Buryat food: -bүheleor, shulen, buuza, khushuur, hileeme, sharbin, shuhan, khime, oreomog, khoshkhonog, zөhei-salamat, khүshөһen, үrmei, arbin, sүmge, zote zedgene, gogkhan.
As well as drinks үhen, zutaraan sai, aarsa, khүrenge, tarag, horzo, togoonoy archi (tarasun) - an alcoholic drink obtained by distilling kurunga). For future use, sour milk of a special sourdough (kurunga), dried compressed curd mass - khuruud was prepared.
Like the Mongols, the Buryats drank green tea, into which they poured milk, put salt, butter or lard.
The symbol of Buryat cuisine is buuzy, a steamed dish that corresponds to the Chinese baozi.
Story
Starting from the Xiongnu period, the proto-Buryats entered the union as the Western Xiongnu.
With the collapse of the empire, the Xiongnu, under pressure from the Xianbei, move away from the Chinese border to their ancestral lands called (according to Chinese sources) the Northern Xiongnu.
Later, the Proto-Buryats became part of the Syanbei, Juzhan, Uighur and Khitan states, the Mongol Empire and the Mongol Khaganate, remaining on their territories.
The Buryats were formed from various Mongolian-speaking ethnic groups that did not have a single self-name, on the territory of the Dobaikalia and central Transbaikalia.
The largest of them were the western ones - Bulagats, Ekhirits, Khongodors and the eastern ones - Hori-Buryats.
In the 18th century, the Khalkha-Mongolian and Oirat clans, mainly Sartuls and Tsongols, came to the southern Transbaikalia within the borders of Russia, becoming the third component of the current Buryat ethnos, which differs in many respects from the northern indigenous tribes.
By the beginning of the 17th century, the Russian state approached the northern borders of Mongolia, by that time sparsely populated and only nominally recognizing the power of the khans.
Faced with the resistance of the indigenous population of the middle reaches of the Angara, they were forced to slow down their advance in this region and start building fortresses and fortified points in the Baikal region.
At the same time, a strong Manchu state arose in the Far East, which seized China (in 1636, it took the name Qing), which led an aggressive foreign policy towards Mongolia, which was going through a period of fragmentation.
Thus, the latter turned out to be the object of the predatory interest of Russia and the Manchu Empire.
Taking advantage of internecine conflicts between the sovereign noyons of Mongolia, Russia and the Qing signed treaties in 1689 and 1727, according to which the Baikal and Transbaikal regions became part of tsarist Russia, and the rest of Mongolia became a province of the Qing empire.
Until the 17th century, Mongolian tribes roamed freely across the territory of the modern state of Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, from Khingan to the Yenisei: Barguts, Bulagats, Ekhirits, Khongodors, Khori-Buryats, Tabanguts, Sartuls, Daurs, etc.
Some of them, due to the nomadic way of life, ended up in the period when the territory of Buryatia was annexed to Russia in this region, which determined the presence of various dialects of the Buryat language, differences in clothing, customs, etc.
After the Russian-Chinese border was drawn at that time in 1729, the above-mentioned Mongolian tribes, being cut off from the bulk of the Mongols (except for the barg), began to form into the future Buryat people.
The process of consolidation that started earlier has intensified since then.
In the XVIII-XIX centuries, there was a significant movement of the indigenous population of the Baikal region.
Part of the Ekhirites and Bulagats moved in several waves, crossing the ice of Baikal, in Transbaikalia to the Kudarinskaya steppe further up the Selenga up to Gusinoye Lake, forming a territorial group of Severelenginsky Buryats, which absorbed some eastern (Khori-Buryat) and southern elements.
Part of the Ekhirites moved to the Barguzin valley, forming a group of Barguzin Buryats with the Khori-Buryats.
In many ways, these ethnic groups retain their connection with the pre-Baikal ancestral home, which is reflected in the language and elements of culture.
At the same time, part of the Khori-Buryats went east to the Aginsk steppes, becoming the main population here - the Aginsk Buryats.
In the west of ethnic Buryatia, the Tunkin Khongodors, having crossed the Khamar-Daban, settled the mountain-taiga region of the present Zakamna, and part of their tribal groups settled the mountainous Oka in the Eastern Sayan Mountains.
Because of this, and also because of the lack of its troops in the proximity of large Mongol khanates and the Manchu state, Russia, one way or another, from the first years of Buryat citizenship, used them in various military clashes and in protecting borders.
In the extreme west of ethnic Buryatia, in the basins of the Uda and Oka rivers, the Buryats of two strong groups - Ashabagat (Lower Uda) and Ikinat (lower reaches of the Oka) were attracted by the administration of the Yenisei and Krasnoyarsk prisons for campaigns.
The enmity between these groups (beginning even before the arrival of the Russians in Buryatia) served as an additional incentive for their participation in Russian enterprises, and later overlapped with the enmity between Yenisei and Krasnoyarsk.
The Ikinats took part in Russian campaigns against the Ashabaghats, and the Ashabaghats took part in military operations against the Ikinats.
In 1688, when the tsarist embassy led by Fyodor Golovin was blocked by the Mongols of Tushetu Khan Chikhundorzh in Selenginsk, letters were sent throughout the Russian-controlled territory of Buryatia demanding to gather armed Buryats and send them to the rescue of Golovin.
Among the Ekhirites and the eastern part of the Bulagats, who lived near Lake Baikal on its western side, detachments were gathered, which, however, did not have time to approach the places of hostilities.
The troops of Tushetu-khan were partly defeated, partly retreated to the south before the approach of the Buryat detachments from the west.
In 1766, four regiments were formed from the Buryats to keep guards along the Selenga border: the 1st Ashebagat, 2nd Tsongo, 3rd Atagan and 4th Sartul.
The regiments were reformed in 1851 during the formation of the Trans-Baikal Cossack Host.
By the end of the 19th century, a new community was formed - the Buryat ethnos, which included the so-called traditional tribes - eastern and western, and southern - separate Khalkha, Oirat and South Mongolian groups, as well as Turkic-Samoyed and Tungus elements.
The Buryats were settled on the territory of the Irkutsk province, which included the Trans-Baikal region (1851).
After the February Revolution of 1917, the first national state of the Buryats, Buryaad-Mongol Uls (State of Buryat-Mongolia), was formed. Burnatsky became its supreme body.
In 1921, the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Region was formed as part of the Far Eastern Republic, then as part of the RSFSR in 1922, the Mongolian-Buryat Autonomous Region.
In 1923 they merged into the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic as part of the RSFSR.
In 1937, a number of districts were withdrawn from the Buryat-Mongol ASSR, from which the Buryat autonomous okrugs—Ust-Orda and Aginsky—were formed; at the same time, some areas with a Buryat population were separated from the autonomies (Ononsky and Olkhonsky).
In 1958, the Buryat-Mongolian ASSR was renamed the Buryat ASSR, which led to a change in the self-name of the Buryats.
In 1992, the Buryat ASSR was transformed into the Republic of Buryatia.
Wedding ceremony in the picture
Buryats
representatives of the descendants of the Mongolian superethnos, formed in the XII-XIV centuries, live in the Irkutsk and Chita regions in rather difficult conditions.
The development and life of the Buryats for a long time of their existence were characterized by a low level of economic relations, for a long time they were determined by the patriarchal-tribal system, close and stable ties only within a narrow circle of relatives and relatives. As a rule, they led a nomadic lifestyle, were isolated from the outside world, which formed their serious dependence on the forces of nature, contributed to the emergence of many traditions and rituals associated with relationships with it. Each tribe, each clan could rely only on their own strengths and capabilities, there was nowhere to wait for help.
At the same time, the harsh conditions of Transbaikalia and the Baikal region "did not tolerate" hasty decisions, vague reflections and verbosity. The younger generation was also brought up through the direct inclusion of people in the system of the traditional Buryat worldview, determined by the conditions of life in the steppe, forest-steppe, and taiga. The main emphasis was placed on a visual-effective vision of the world and was aimed mainly at the formation of special sensory sensitivity and concrete-figurative thinking. For survival, the high development of spatial orientation, physical endurance, observation, a good eye, attentiveness and composure, that is, a very peculiar set of features that occupied a special place in the national character of the Buryats, was essential.
That is why in the national psychology of the Buryats, on the one hand, such qualities as restraint, prudence, reticence, weak expression of emotions and feelings, inner balance, and on the other hand, collectivism, mutual assistance, mutual assistance, diligence, stability of family ties, reticence and restraint in interpersonal relationships, respect for elders, the desire to bypass sharp corners, conformity, patience in relationships.
Today, the Buryats are people with a peculiar psyche, the features of which must be taken into account in interethnic relations.
Ethnopsychological dictionary. - M.: MPSI. V.G. Krysko. 1999
See what "Buryats" are in other dictionaries:
Buryats- Buryaaduud ... Wikipedia
BURYATS Modern Encyclopedia
BURYATS- (self-name baryaat) people in the Russian Federation, the main population of Buryatia (250 thousand people). In total, there are 421 thousand people in the Russian Federation. They also live in northern Mongolia and northeast China. The total number of 520 thousand people (1992). ... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary
BURYATS- BURYATS, Buryats, units. Buryat, Buryat, husband. One of the Mongolian peoples in Siberia. Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov. D.N. Ushakov. 1935 1940 ... Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov
BURYATS- BURYATS, yat, units. yat, a, husband. The people constituting the main indigenous population of Buryatia. | female Buryatka, i. | adj. Buryat, oh, oh. Explanatory dictionary of Ozhegov. S.I. Ozhegov, N.Yu. Shvedova. 1949 1992 ... Explanatory dictionary of Ozhegov
BURYATS- (self-name Buryat, Buryaad), people in the Russian Federation (421 thousand people), the indigenous population of Buryatia (249.5 thousand X. They also live in the North of Mongolia Northeast China. The Buryat language of the northern subgroup of the Mongolian group of the Altai family ... ... Russian history
Buryats- (self-name Buryat, Baryaat) nationality with a total number of 520 thousand people. Main resettlement countries: Russian Federation 421 thousand people, incl. Buryatia 250 thousand people Other settlement countries: Mongolia 70 thousand people, China 25 thousand people. Language… … Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary
Buryats- ryat; pl. (singular Buryat, a; m.). The people, the indigenous population of Buryatia; representatives of this people. ◁ Buryatka, and; pl. genus. current, date weaves; and. Buryatsky, oh, oh. B. tongue. Bie customs. In Buryat, adv. Speak Buryat. * * * Buryats (self-name ... ... encyclopedic Dictionary
Buryats- (local Russian name Bratsky) the most common and most numerous foreign tribe of Eastern Siberia, inhabiting the Irkutsk province and the Trans-Baikal region; the area occupied by them begins in the west near the rivers Ii and ... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary F.A. Brockhaus and I.A. Efron
Buryats- (self-name Buryat) nation, the indigenous population of the Buryat ASSR. They also live in the Aginsky Buryat national district of the Chita region of the RSFSR, the Ust Ordynsky Buryat national district of the Irkutsk region of the RSFSR and some other areas ... ... Great Soviet Encyclopedia
Books
- Buryats. (ed. 1901), N. B. Veselovskaya. Reproduced in the original author's spelling of the 1901 edition (publishing house `Moscow. Typography of I. A. Baladin. `). IN…
Unfortunately or fortunately, bears do not walk the streets in Buryatia, and girls do not have weapons sticking out from under their skirts. Local women are mysterious and modest. Their appearance is unusual, some divide the Buryats into several types, some are even afraid of them. But there are those who hypothesize about the origin of their unusual, narrow section of the eyes.
However, their beauty lies not only in external features. Buryat girls pay tribute to traditions and revere their elders.
Expert opinion
Vasily Starodumov, ethnographer:“Buryats are mysterious girls with night-colored eyes. They look mysterious, modestly smiling at the corners of their lips. Most of them are girls from small to medium height, with dark skin and jet black hair. They have a narrow section of the eyes and the bridge of the nose is implicitly expressed, the nose itself is not very large, neat. Lips are not plump, thin. Of the character traits, I would note the shyness, but if the Buryat girl doesn’t like something, then it’s better not to mess with her, oh, and she will set the heat!
LiveJournal entry. Stepisvet, blogger:“Buryats seem very beautiful to me. There are two main types of appearance that I like, and I conditionally call them "silver" (Chinese type) and "gold" (Japanese type). There is no assessment here, just by the color of the metals. Girls of the "silver type" in their purest form look like this: black shiny hair, matte pale skin, narrow face, straight elongated features. They are usually slightly above average height, approaching 170 cm. They like to wear silver jewelry and wear their hair in a ponytail. For some reason, they like to generously paint the upper eyelid with a black pencil. They probably think that this is how their eyes enlarge, but the eastern narrow bend of the eye is also part of their beauty.
These girls are also often skinny. I would even say bony. They move gracefully, especially if they are Ulan-Udenks.
Girls from the villages do not particularly bother with the plasticity of movements. These girls make an incredible impression - cold beauty in all its full armor. In girls of the “golden type”, beauty looks more tender. They often do not even suspect that they are beautiful until the age of 20. They have light eyes and light hair, often red.
The skin is also fair with a pink blush. The face is plump and soft, the eyes are large. In terms of figure, they often resemble Europeans. Growth is from small to medium. In addition, I often see the "Brazilian" type of beauty on the streets of Ulan-Ude. Curly hair, dark skin, athletic figure. There are also girls of the “Indian” type: with expressive hooked noses, huge eyes and cheekbones, similar in their lines to North American rocks.
Oleg Tapkharov, historian:“The appearance of the Buryats, of course, differs from the appearance of a European. It's all about the climatic conditions that surround the people. Most likely, a narrow section of the eyes appeared due to the desert area, where the appearance of this race began. Winds, sandstorms could not but affect the appearance, the eyelashes became thicker, and the eyes narrowed.
Savvaty Antonov, Bishop of Ulan-Ude and Buryatia:“Buryatia is rich in diversity and beauty not only of nature, but also of the people living in it. As you know, the republic is inhabited by representatives of various nationalities, religions and cultures, and all this mixing has an amazing effect on the characters of people, their worldview.
If we talk about girls living in Buryatia, then I think that their main distinguishing features are openness and kindness. However, not everyone can be measured by the same standards. In addition, each person is unique and beautiful. From my point of view, as a bishop of the Orthodox Church, modesty and good manners can make a truly beautiful girl. And, of course, every girl must remember that she is called to a high service, we must not forget about her destiny - motherhood. It seems to me that some sometimes forget about it. The spiritual and moral image of a woman is an indicator of the mental health of the whole society. And if the girls remember this, then their beauty will sparkle with new facets.
“The majority of Buryat women, and Russians living in Buryatia, believe in God very much. Women, like mothers, pray for their husbands, for their children.
They also go to shamans. Russians also go to datsan, which is commendable. It is noteworthy that the girls respect the customs and traditions of our Buryatia, where they live.
The Buryats themselves were brought up in respect for their husbands and in reverence for their elders. In most girls, tea is poured in the morning for the first husband, because he is the breadwinner and head of the family. Accordingly, children are brought up in respect for their father. As the world began to change, to progress, women also changed.
They advance at work, dress beautifully and benefit their homeland. Our girls are driven not by success, not by money, but by the desire to help their countrymen.”
Buryat girls are kind to elders and adhere to traditions
Aya Marzaeva, a resident of Buryatia:“Girls, especially from villages, are committed to traditions, speak their native language and communicate in it. I really appreciate traditions, respect for elders, I just can’t communicate with a person on “you” if he is older or unfamiliar to me, well, not counting friendships. I was brought up like that. In general, I am a shy and dreamy person, but I can stand up for myself.
I want not only to be a good mother and wife, but also to fulfill myself, open my own business, live my life in such a way that later I can write a book about it and it would be really interesting to read.
I love Buryatia very much, if there was a choice between a metropolis and a republic, then, of course, I would choose my native land.
Victoria Kuznetsova, resident of Buryatia:“In Buryatia, we have a lot of beautiful girls. The beauty of a girl, in my opinion, lies not only in external features, it is, first of all, upbringing, worldview, attitude towards people around her and nature. Beauty is transient and outgoing, if we talk about appearance. Today you are beautiful, but ten years will pass, and all beauty will go away. But the essence remains. Many do not understand this, they run after ideal proportions, losing all moral and human values. In our city lately I have been observing pathos and arrogance, no matter how rude and harsh it may sound. In most cases, the one who sits on the neck of his parents turns up his nose, dressing in expensive stores. There are girls who strive to personally achieve success, keep up with the times, develop and express themselves. There are few such people, but such people will always be in “fashion”. Also, in our time, beautiful people are divided into two types - these are cover girls, who have external beauty in the first place and everything else does not matter, and those who are beautiful in soul, upbringing. I would advise girls to devote more time not to appearance, but to their development and self-education.
Many residents of Buryatia believe that the purpose of a true woman is to keep the family hearth
Daria Fedotova, resident of Buryatia:“The modern girl has allowed herself to stand on the same level with a man and rule the world. What do I consider the most important thing in my life? I was brought up in such a way that for me, first of all, family is important. I grew up in a simple family: my father is a driver at a timber industry enterprise, my mother is a math teacher. From childhood, I was taught to do housework (we lived in the village, kept a household).
I want to dedicate my life to the family that I will soon create myself. I would like a big family, give birth to at least three children and raise them in love!
Larisa Fakhurtdinova, resident of Buryatia:“I have five children, and I am proud of them, my husband supports me in everything. I love my family and consider this the main meaning of life. Our family always tries to take part in the public life of the republic. The main thing is to support each other. Despite all the difficulties of life, I would never want to choose another scenario. My children are the real treasure and support in life, and I do not live in vain.
Experts explain the desire of the residents of Buryatia to be the keeper of the hearth with the location of the republic and centuries-old traditions. This was also influenced by the fusion of two cultures: Russian and Buryat.
Namzhilma Balzhinimaeva, blogger, local historian:“The Buryats have a proverb: “Usyn uugaa hadaa yosyn dagaha” - it translates as follows: “To live in tune with those with whom you drink water from the same spring (well).” Smart Russians understand this and are very careful about the Buryat culture, songs and customs, together we celebrate the Buryat holiday Sagaalgan (White Moon) and Maslenitsa. In Buryatia, those who follow this proverb are also favored by our gods.
They succeed in both creativity and life. Centuries-old traditions were passed down from generation to generation and are not forgotten by young people today.”
Solbon Lygdenov, director:“Over time, the residents of Buryatia change. Lifestyle, nutrition, informational freedom and the availability of various kinds of trainings and all kinds of salons in appearance affect. The youth noticeably grew up, built up, their faces stretched out, their eyes widened.
There is emancipation in behavior, but it is still small-town, even in prosperous families, children are often influenced by those old street images. There is no emancipation, or rather, it is still very vulgar. You see, a nice girl is walking and tastefully dressed, and such things come out of her mouth that even the loader will blush. This model of behavior is very characteristic of our youth, and this, of course, upsets. I have already chosen my ideal, my wife is a wonderful person, a good mother, a beautiful woman and just my good friend.”
The women of Buryatia also carry patriotism and love for the Motherland, helping others to restore justice.
Olga Ganicheva, Chairman of the Committee of Soldiers' Mothers:“I help soldiers' mothers fight for the rights of their sons, I assist in the search for missing soldiers. We need to support everyone in their difficult situations. I consider young servicemen my children, because I have to solve their problems, and they become my family.”
Karina Galamova:“I really like the residents of Buryatia. Their beauty is simply bewitching, oriental. I would like to wish them to remain true to their traditions and culture, and blind imitation of the West only spoils them.”
It can be concluded that the residents of Buryatia are devout and consider the creation of a family to be their main purpose. However, they manage to take care of themselves, work and benefit society.
Worked on this article: Roman Kravchuk, Anastasia Savelyeva.
Annotation: The article presents a review of the literature on the topic of the national character of individual Mongolian-speaking peoples of Central Asia, which will form the bibliographic basis of the electronic database "National mentalities: their study in the context of globalization and interaction of cultures".
The publication was prepared with the support of the Russian Humanitarian Foundation (grant no. 13-03-12003c).
Keywords: national character, Central Asia, database, overview, description, Mongols, Buryats, Kalmyks.
National character of Mongolic peoples of Central Asia
Ch.K. Lamazhaa
Abstract: Article reviews the literature over the national character of different Mongolic peoples of Central Asia. It will become a bibliographical basis of electronic database "National mentalities: study in context of globalization and culture intercommunion".
keywords:national character, Central Asia, database, review, description, Mongols, Buryats, Kalmyks.
As part of the work on the collective project "Electronic database "National mentalities: their study in the context of globalization and interaction of cultures"" (Kanarsh, 2013), we collected and selected available descriptions, studies of the national character of the peoples of Central Asia (see the formulation of the question on the topic : Lamazhaa, 2013a), and also presented a review of the literature on some representatives of the Turkic-speaking ethnic groups - Kazakhs, Khakasses, Altaians, Tuvans (Lamazhaa, 2013b: electronic resource). This time I will try to identify the most interesting publications on the Mongolian-speaking peoples of the region, in particular - Mongols, Buryats and Kalmyks.
Let me remind you that by the term "Central Asia" I mean the territory of distribution of the nomadic type of management in Kazakhstan, Mongolia, China (Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Inner Mongolia), Russia (the republics of Altai, Tuva, Khakassia, Buryatia, partly Irkutsk and Chita regions) . Clarification of the term today is especially necessary in connection with the widespread in the post-Soviet era, the designation as “Central Asia” of exclusively the Central Asian countries of the CIS, which, among other things, gave rise to discussions in the scientific community (see: Lamazhaa, 2013a).
The Mongolian-speaking peoples of Central Asia, like other peoples, have a complex ethnic history that has much in common, but at the same time with its own differences. In science, there are different theories of ethnic origin, both of the Mongols themselves, and of the Buryats and Kalmyks. Without going into the analysis of such works, I will rely on the proposition that they were formed from the Mongol-speaking tribes of the region, who led a nomadic lifestyle, understanding the ethno-cultural and linguistic proximity, the commonality of peoples. Accordingly, from the point of view of archetypes, the traditional picture of the world, the ancient cultural heritage, one can speak in general about the Mongolian cultural world, about Mongolian images, and also, possibly, about the conditional general Mongolian national character. Nevertheless, the historical memory of ethnic groups contains a number of features associated with certain historical events, established relations with their neighbors, as well as related Mongolian ethnic groups. If ancient history has common (or close in origin) sources, then the modern cut allows us to enrich our ideas with the help of a wide variety of sources.
To cover the topic of the national character, it is important, first of all, descriptive works - works of art, journalism, travel notes, philosophical works, etc. the specifics of the people, their mentality, character. Although, of course, the scientific conclusions of ethnographers, philologists, historians, culturologists, etc., are also of value. At the same time, as we have already found out, it is advisable to apply the method of dividing texts according to the author's point of view - "from the inside" (descriptions of the national character, which are made by representatives of the ethnic group itself - autostereotypes) and “outside” (conclusions of observers - representatives of another ethnic group, another culture - heterostereotypes). Thus, the subject under consideration (the national character of the ethnic group) acquires a multifaceted form.
Mongols.
The national mentality of the Mongols "from outside" is reflected in numerous books and articles by pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary Russian and Soviet authors, travelers, scientists, diplomats, journalists, specialists, etc. Known, for example, is the book by I. M. Maisky "Modern Mongolia" (Maisky, 1921). It is believed that the customs and character traits of the Mongols are reflected in this work so completely that none of the publications about the customs of the Mongols can do without quoting from this work. The author notes the amazing observation, natural curiosity, good nature and hospitality of the Mongols.
Of the modern Russian scientists, N. L. Zhukovskaya, L. L. Viktorova, L. G. Skorodumova, M. I. Golman, V. V. Graivoronsky, V. L. Neiding devoted their works to the Mongolian spiritual culture. The well-known researcher of Mongolian culture N. L. Zhukovskaya in the popular science publication “The Fate of Nomadic Culture. Stories about Mongolia and the Mongols” (Zhukovskaya, 1990) writes about Mongolian hospitality, sedateness, slowness, and love for the traditional order.
Specialists in Mongolian studies highly appreciate the books of the journalist L. I. Shinkarev (Shinkarev, 1981; 2006). In the documentary narrative about the life of Tsedenbal (the leader of Mongolia in the 1940s–1980s) and his Russian wife A.I. Filatova, which the author restored on the basis of letters, diaries, memoirs of heroes, testimonies of contemporaries, and Russian. Tsedenbal's wife, for example, was surprised at the allegorical, coded, seemingly abstract speech of the Mongolian relatives, the unconditional consent expressed by the hosts in response to any words of the guests. All this annoyed her, it seemed like an incomprehensible childhood, while in front of her were the peculiarities of local etiquette, the norms of communication that the Mongols adhered to.
In recent years, interesting studies of the value orientations of modern Mongols have been carried out by Yu. V. Popkov and E. A. Tyugashev (Popkov, Tyugashev, 2012: Electric resource), A. V. Ivanov (Ivanov, 2009: Electric resource) and others. Yu. V. Popkov, E. A. Tyugashev, mentioning that the Russian national character is defined by ethnopsychologists as the character of an intuitive-ethical introvert, and the national character of the Mongols - as the character of sensory-logical extraverts, then the relationship between these characters act as a relationship of mutual additions (Popkov, Tyugashev, 2012: Electric resource). A. V. Ivanov, highlighting the constants of Mongolian culture and noting the features of the Mongolian national character, for example, writes about his feelings in Mongolia, as about psychological comfort in this country for a Russian person. In this regard, he recalls existential complementarity, which L. N. Gumilyov wrote about, trying to convey a feeling of closeness between Russians and the Mongols, which does not appear among the former even in Eastern European territories. Comparison of the temperaments of the peoples allows the philosopher to note that the Mongol, in comparison with the Russian, is more leisurely and sways for some business longer. “The temporal background of its existence is distinguished by large amplitudes and a distinctly pronounced cyclicity, corresponding to the natural time cycles of its economic activity: the birth and slaughter of livestock, the appearance of the first spring grass or milk in mares, etc.” (Ivanov, 2009: Electric resource).
So, among the frequently mentioned traits of the national character, both researchers, and journalists, and just observers call proximity to nature (love for open spaces, contemplation, the so-called naturalness), self-sufficiency, slowness, observation, curiosity. This is recognized by the Mongols themselves. For example, politician Ts. Balkhaazhav describes such a characteristic style of Mongol behavior: “... having climbed to the top of a mountain, a Mongol will see something new, having crossed a wide expanse, he will feel something new, having stayed with a neighbor, he will learn about something new. All this happens gradually, the experience is enriched and fits into life. It is in this that the honest, far-sighted, direct character of the Mongols lies” (quoted from: Buyandelgeer, 2012: 14).
Psychologist Buyandelger Odgerel believes that “the pedantry of the future teachers of Mongolia is due to nature, national and religious traditions, culture and methods of education” (ibid.: 13–14). We are talking about characteristic traditional features that are sometimes difficult to find today among modern, especially young Mongols (for example, observers today often note among Mongols a love of recklessness when driving cars, emotivity (excitability).
But the same Mongols, recognizing the deep roots of their culture and the traditional thinking of their fellow tribesmen, nevertheless, are not limited to ideal images, ideal features. For example, the well-known Mongolian political figure, publicist Baabar (literary pseudonym B.-E. Batbayar) is quite strict in assessing his compatriots, believing that the nomadic way of life formed such traits as laziness, lack of punctuality, deceit. It is often more difficult for Mongols to reach an agreement among themselves than with representatives of other peoples (see: Mongolian mentality in business, electronic resource).
Buryats.
The Buryat national character is represented in the national literature of this people (a look "from the inside"). Moreover, not only the very fact of such a completely natural reflection is of interest, but also literary studies in this direction, one list of which tells us about the strong philological, cultural school of Buryatia. This topic has been specially analyzed in the publications of S. I. Garmaeva (Garmaeva, 1997), S. Zh. , 2006, 2007, 2009), T. B. Balaryeva (Balareva, 2004), M. D. Danchinova (Danchinova, 2007), L. Ts. Khalkharova (Khalkharova, 2007), G. Ts.-D. Buyantuyeva (Buyantuyeva, 2011) and others. Philologists, in particular, note the richness, traditional character, and richness of values in the works of Zh. T. Tumunov, Ch. Tsydendambaev, A. Angarkhaev, D. Batozhabay, and many other prose writers and poets.
As S. I. Garmaeva writes: “Keeping the epic figurative triad: earth - man - universe, the Buryat artistic tradition relies on certain realities of this historical and geographical synthesis - the steppe element of nomadic culture and everything connected with it. It was in the open freedom and space of this element that such components of poetics as a figurative model of the world and home - a yurt, a hitching post, a steppe, a system of dynamic plots of wanderings and wanderings of heroes, and others, were born, which in turn makes the artistic tradition always alive and active" (Garmaeva, 1997: 55).
Z. A. Serebryakova, analyzing the works of A. Angarkhaev, names among the features of the national character of the Buryats a sense of family, which includes responsibility to people, to descendants. Also important are a sense of kinship with nature, the ability to handle pets, care for children, and high moral exactingness (Serebryakova, 2009). According to G. Ts.-D. Buyantueva, such national Buryat traits as sedateness, contemplation, a penchant for reflection (to a certain extent associated with the influence of the Buddhist tradition), are combined with excessive isolation, even secrecy, the desire not to reveal their true feelings and motives, even the most noble (Buyantueva, 2010).
If philologists are aimed, first of all, at fixing the traditional features of the national mentality reflected in the literature, then psychologists and teachers work more with transforming, changing characteristics, nevertheless, each time checking them with "samples". A. A. Elaev (Elaev, 2000), I. E. Elaeva (Elaeva, 2004, 2005), T. Ts. Dugarova (Dugarova, 2010a, 2010b, 2012a, 2012b, etc.) . The latter writes that modern man in the Buryat culture is in search of guidelines for overcoming the crisis of ethnicity and for restoring direct family ties. Until now, modern Buryats have a rather high traditional attitude to the home, the symbolic significance of national clothes, jewelry, identification with the totem - the ancestor is relevant, which helps to feel one's belonging to the clan, tribe, and gives spiritual strength (Dugarova, 2010a: 23). The psychologist also notes that non-verbal communication among the Buryats through body movements remained archaic in essence. In the context of the significance of communication, attention was paid to the characteristic communicative feature of the Buryats - restraint, the importance of silence in the act of communication (ibid.: 25). The cult of nature is still preserved in the mentality of the Buryats. Due to the preserved natural habitat of the ethnos, the originality of ideas about the external, in relation to man, reality - about the physical world of nature, is accordingly preserved. The cult of nature extends to all modes of human existence (ibid.: 26). True, in connection with the processes of increasing urbanization, urban residents can observe a pronounced alienation from nature, from a number of other traditional values and norms.
Nevertheless, T. Ts. Dugarova notes that the primary anthroponymic fund is preserved in the Buryat name book - the original names, which are based on the cultural and religious traditions of the ethnic group. Modern Buryats realize the need for recognition in a range of various activities, not only traditional, but also new, and the specificity of claims for recognition is expressed through the observance of social normative behavior. Intra-ethnic identification presupposes knowledge and observance of traditional forms of communication culture. Gender differentiation is traditionally expressed, which determines and regulates relations between the sexes. Today, traditional ideas about the role and place of men and women remain relevant (to this day, a special attitude towards men is preserved, it is consecrated by tradition: the son is the future breadwinner of old parents, the heir to the family hearth and economy, he is the successor of the clan) (ibid.: 28 -thirty). A feature of the ethnic self-consciousness of the Buryats are narratives that testify to identification based on the pedigree. And today among the Buryats, tribal identifications, clans are relevant, which affects public relations and politics. Historian A. A. Elaev points to the fact that there were no facts of recognition of a representative of any local group of the Buryats as a leader of a general ethnic scale by representatives of other groups (Elaev, 2000).
A number of researchers point to the peculiarities of religious consciousness as a specific feature of the national character of the Buryats. Primordial religions (animism, shamanism and Buddhism) coexist equally in the self-consciousness of the Buryats. According to I. E. Elaeva, religiosity for some believers is only an externally assigned group affiliation, and not an internalized value orientation, i.e. a person identifies himself as a Buddhist on nominal grounds, in particular, because his parents consider themselves Buddhists or because it is the national religion." The confusion of religious identification practices, the naive acceptance of all of them is an indicator of the syncretic self-awareness of the Buryats, which sometimes manifests itself regardless of the level of education (Elaeva, 2004, 2005).
In ethnopedagogy, the problems of the national mentality, ethnopsychological characteristics of the Buryats are also in demand. For example, S. Ts. Chimitova refers to the specific characteristics of cognitive processes of the Buryats a good eye, observation, attentiveness, perseverance in comprehending knowledge, a practical mindset, and a rational way of thinking. The teacher's experiments also confirmed the high importance for folk pedagogy of such human qualities as slowness and discretion, balance, and prudence (Chimitova, 1993). The ethnopedagogue M. S. Vasilyeva (Vasilyeva, 2009) notes that under the conditions of modernization of traditional values, the system of “family-centrism” among the Buryats is undergoing changes, giving way to the system of “egocentrism” - a system of individual values, personal achievements.
The conclusions of the psychologist V. G. Krysko (Krysko, 2008) can be attributed to the “outside” view of the Buryat national character. As the author writes, “the development and life of the Buryats have long been characterized by a low level of economic relations, for a long time they were determined by the patriarchal tribal system, close and stable ties only within a narrow circle of relatives and relatives. As a rule, the Buryats led a nomadic lifestyle, were isolated from the outside world, which formed their serious dependence on natural forces, contributed to the emergence of many traditions and rituals associated with relationships with nature. Each tribe, each clan could only rely on their own capabilities, they had nowhere to wait for help ”(Krysko, electronic resource).
Harsh natural conditions, according to V. Krysko, which forced the formation of a survival program, required the development of spatial orientation, physical endurance, observation, eye, attentiveness and composure. Therefore, in the national psychology of the Buryats, the psychologist concludes, on the one hand, such qualities as restraint, prudence, laconicism, weak expression of emotions and feelings, inner balance were established, and on the other hand, collectivism, mutual assistance, mutual assistance, diligence, stability were actively functioning. family ties, respect for elders, the desire to avoid sharp corners, conformity, patience in relationships (ibid.).
In the context of globalization, the national character of the Buryats is undergoing modernization changes. In particular, the psychologist T. Ts. Dugarova (Dugarova, 2012b) points out the latent tension of the representatives of the traditional society in the context of conjugation between the world of tribal values and the world of globalization. The range of dual and polar feelings reflects the personal experience of assessing qualities (physical, personal, social, ethnic), the mixture of ethnic feelings (pride, shame, guilt), the instability of ethnic attitudes (satisfaction with membership in an ethnic group, the desire to belong to it, the need for recognition and respect dignity of the people, in a worthy ethnic status, the desire to meet the expectations of the clan, tribe), intra-ethnic stereotypes. The research data of the psycholinguist E. V. Khilkhanova (Khilkhanova, 2007) also indicate the inconsistency of the Buryat character, which is manifested in linguistic behavior.
Kalmyks.
Both autostereotypes and heterostereotypes of the Kalmyk people emphasize the theme of Kalmyk differences from other Mongolian peoples.
As the already mentioned V. G. Krysko writes, historical chronicles show that since ancient times, the Oirats (Kalmyks), in their national character, were more independent, united, independent, persistent and diligent compared to the Mongols. Having migrated to South Russia, the Kalmyks mastered the vast expanse of the steppe, extremely sparsely populated, where they developed their original system of using vast steppe pastures (ibid.).
Naturalist, lexicographer, academician I. I. Lepekhin at the end of the 19th century. went on expeditions to different provinces of the Russian Empire and left a lot of valuable ethnographic records, including those about the Kalmyks. He described the social structure, customs, beliefs, including the picture of the worlds in this culture, mythological images, gods, and more. etc. (Day notes ...: 448–488). In addition to Lepekhin, information about the Kalmyks was left by P. S. Pallas, I. G. Georgi, N. I. Strakhov, N. A. Nefediev, F. A. Buller and others. , the ability to be content with little, which ensured the success of their life in rather difficult natural and climatic conditions.
A large amount of information about the social structure of the Kalmyks was left in his work by P.I. respectful attitude of men towards women (Nebolsin, 1852).
In the psychology of the Kalmyks, writes V. G. Krysko, in general, such features have been formed as an even and equal attitude towards almost all other people, regardless of their gender and social status, the desire to peacefully resolve controversial problems in communication and interaction with partners and even opponents, orientation to non-conflict behavior, reaching agreement by non-violent means.
In addition, Buddhism, which they inherited from the Mongols, had a serious influence on all aspects of the life and work of the Kalmyks, which could not but be reflected in their psychology. For this reason, it consolidated such social values as contentment with what is in life at the present time, self-restraint in desires and dreams, the desire not to think about the difficulties of life, the ability to easily and quickly overcome them, indifference to other people's suffering. The Kalmyks also developed such qualities as sobriety of thought and rationalism, resistance to suffering, unpretentiousness, unpretentiousness, perseverance in achieving real goals (Krysko, electronic resource).
Of the works of Kalmyk authors on the topic, the monograph of the philosopher from Kalmykia B. A. Bicheev “Children of the sky - blue wolves. Mythological and religious foundations of the ethnic consciousness of the Kalmyks” (Bicheev, 2004). He also proceeds from the position that the political, military and cultural history of the Kalmyks is in many respects different from the history of other Mongolian peoples. Nevertheless, among the cultural constants of the Kalmyks, the ideas of genus, kinship, continuity of generations, and connection with nature are also primarily named by the author.
Kalmyk researcher S. Minaev published several interesting sketches on our topic, which convey the features of Kalmyk ideas about themselves. The author writes, among other things, about the Kalmyk ideal of a woman (Minaev, Chetyre..., Electr. resource), directly about the national character of the Kalmyks (Minaev, National..., Electr. resource). He has several main qualities of the national character. These are: maximalism (Kalmyks are prone to hyperbolic exaggerations; small projects and deeds do not inspire the Kalmyk, he turns away from them with contempt); individualism (but not in extreme forms, but in the desire for originality, in the desire to stand out from the background of others, to draw attention to oneself; thanks to individualism, Kalmyk society is distinguished by respect for the personality of a person, for the human "ego", pride; each Kalmyk felt himself an individual incarnation collective interests, i.e. the interests of one’s family, one’s clan, aimag and the people as a whole); energy, activity (this is manifested primarily in national dances, which are characterized by speed, sparkling, in the style of Kalmyk speech and language); optimism (Kalmyks tend to focus on the positive aspects of life, to see in a person, first of all, his positive side); ambition (the desire for glory, the desire to be the first in every business has long been inherent in nomads; this is manifested in the desire for command posts, especially among the Kalmyks); pride (which indicates a developed self-awareness of the individual and is a completely positive quality, if it does not develop into pride; ethism (from the word "ethics": where the ethics of an act are valued above all else, culture is determined by ethical).
Let us sum up this review, taking into account also the conclusions of our previous article on the topic of the national character of the Turkic-speaking peoples of Central Asia - Kazakhs, Altaians, Tuvans, Khakasses (Lamazhaa, 2013b).
This review was limited not only due to the objective impossibility to cover a complete list of publications on the topic, but also due to language inaccessibility - literature in the Mongolian language was not taken into account. Accordingly, in our article, first of all, the heterostereotypes of the Mongols are presented. Of course, both Kalmyk and Buryat themes also need authentic texts, however, here we can rely on the publications of the same authors in Russian.
Both the Mongolian and the Turkic-speaking ethnic groups of the region, being nomadic in culture, being formed as a result of complex ethnic processes of kindred formations and in similar natural conditions, of course, have similar features in terms of both the traditional picture of the world and the features of the national character. Proximity to nature, a kind of merging with it, tribal organization of social life, traditionalism are the constants of the nomadic cultures of these peoples. But there are also peculiar features due to historical upheavals, historical memory, as well as the time and nature of interaction with other ethnic groups, including related, nomadic ones. As one of the authors aptly put it: a very common misconception is to consider the Mongolian and Turkic peoples to be something absolutely identical, because there is a difference between them and it is about the same as between the Western Slavs and the Eastern ones. However, we have not yet been able to find any detailed research on this topic, not counting the monographic works on ethnopsychology as a whole, which include the most concise generalized portraits of different peoples, linguistic communities.
In our review, the main place is occupied by descriptions of traditional features of the national character, which their authors are trying to capture in order to fix what was formed long ago, generally accepted, understandable. A separate topic for discussion is the theme of the transformation of the traits of national characters of representatives of ethnic groups in the course of changing social conditions in the 20th and 21st centuries. This is especially important for discussing the issue of modernization as the modernization of former traditional societies - how modern is this possible, what can be accepted fairly quickly and what can not, depending, among other things, on the temperament of the representatives of ethnic groups, on their habitual character traits.
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Date of receipt: 10.09.2013
I express my sincere gratitude to my colleagues for consultations: Dr. Philol. n. T. G. Basangova (Kalmyk Institute for Humanitarian Research, Russian Academy of Sciences), Doctor of Psychology. n. T. Ts. Dugarova (Buryat State University).
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Lamazhaa Ch.K. The national character of the Mongolian-speaking peoples of Central Asia [Electr. resource] // New studies of Tuva. 2013, No. 4. URL: https://www..html (date of access: dd.mm.yy.)
In Buryatia there is an intensive growth of ethnic identity
The Buryats are one of the Mongolian-speaking ethnic groups of Central Asia, formed on the territory of Russia from various clans and tribes in the 16th-17th centuries. The dispersed, fragmentary settlement of the Buryat ethnic group today is determined by the area of residence in the three largest states of the world: in Russia - over 445 thousand, in Mongolia - over 44 thousand, in China - about 6 thousand. On the territory of the Russian Federation, the Buryat ethnic group is ethno-national minority composed of three entities: the Republic of Buryatia (273 thousand, 27.8% of the total population), the Irkutsk region (135 thousand, 3% of the total population) and the Trans-Baikal Territory (115 thousand, 11% of the total population).
In Buryatia, a subject of the Russian Federation, today there is an intensive growth of ethnic, religious, traditional-historical self-awareness Buryat ethnic group. The value attitude towards traditional society is growing against the background of the internationalization of economic and socio-political life, the globalization of human activity on our planet, against the background of the international integration of modern values of civilizations (Mukhina. 2002: 16).
Self-consciousness of traditional ethnic groups
According to V. S. Mukhina, the self-consciousness of traditional ethnic groups living in the territories of conjugated states is influenced by both the original traditions of tribal relations and modern integration trends(ibid: 16-39). I saw with my own eyes that the self-consciousness of the Buryats reflects the commonality of traditional tribal orientations. In addition, the influence of titular ethnic groups and integration processes is observed. The ethnic self-consciousness of the Buryats is determined by the conditions of conjugation between the "world of tribal traditions" and the "world of cultural integration" in the system of surrounding realities. We are talking about the realities of the objective and natural world, about figurative-sign and social-normative realities.
Each link of self-consciousness is sensitive to all realities
As the study showed, each link in the individual's self-awareness is sensitive to these realities. Let us turn to the presentation of the links of self-awareness that are most pronounced in the tradition: we will talk, first of all, about the proper name, claims for recognition, gender identity and gender roles.
1. Identification with a name and with one's personal and social essence
My name is Tuyana
My name is Tuyana, which means light. The Buryats still have traditional names in their names.
Previously, an individual name had a sacred meaning in the tribal relations of people. At the present time, as our study has shown, if not a sacred, then a valuable attitude to the original name is preserved.
Oriental Buryat Buddhists currently the lama gives the name, or one of the older relatives; sometimes parents give a name.
Western Buryat shamanists often newborns receive the names of their closest ancestors. This is to some extent due to the fact that the Buryats did not erect monuments on the graves of the dead before. It was believed that the memory of the dead should be preserved by descendants.
Value attitude to the original name
Receiving the name of an ancestor, the child, as it were, established a special relationship with the one whose name he was named. The soul of the ancestor is resurrected in the grandson. Through the newborn, the deceased returns to people.
Buryat names have a number of functions: 1 - “A name is a crystal of personality that forms and individualizes a person throughout life” (Mukhina, 2010: 529); 2 - social sign; 3 - connection with the ancestor of the genus; 4 - security function.
Mandatory rite of naming ulgyde oruulha”- continues to this day, reflecting the origins of the mythological view of the generic person.
According to our research, in modern conditions, the name retains the function of social control, has a powerful meaning and meaning for its bearer. According to our observation, in modern conditions the name continues to perform an important function - symbol of the continuity of generations, genealogy of the genus as a whole.
Genealogical pedigrees originate from a common totem ancestor
Genealogical pedigrees originate from a legendary totemic ancestor, who is deeply and irrevocably revered. “The mythological consciousness of the Buryats distinguishes the totemic first ancestors: Bukha noyon of the Bulagat tribe, the motley burbot of the Ekhirit tribe, hong shubuun(Bird - swan) Hori Buryat and Khongodorov ”(Abaeva, 1991: 55).
zoomorphic totems
Other zoomorphic cults are also recorded in the tribal names and legends about the origin of some Buryat clans: eagle- in the genus sharaid; wolf- Proto-Mongols totem board-shono; dog- the totem of the Ekhirite clans of the Bura, etc.
Certain beliefs are associated with totems. From the era of totemism, a special attitude towards the dog has come down to us: you can’t drive the dog out into the street, beat it, press it against the door. It's a sin to kill a dog. For example, if a wolf was killed, the spilled blood was covered with snow or earth, believing that otherwise there would be wind with snow or rain. The wolf among the Buryats was considered a heavenly dog - tengeriin nohoy. If he bullied domestic animals, people did not express resentment or anger to him, considering this an indication of heaven (Mikhailov, 1980: 74).
Childbirth totems carry a symbolic character
Legends have survived that the Ekhirites, who received the name of the wolf, are the descendants of the boy Chona, who was fed by wolves (Lubimov, 1912: 901-902). Genghis Khan's family was descended from burte chono(wolf). The wolf - the totem of the first ancestor - takes on different functions in the beliefs of nomads: the wolf is a guide; hero's tutor; wolf - werewolf; the wolf is a symbol of the military prowess of the leader of the tribal military squad, which is often compared with a wolf pack (Kubarev, Cheremisin, 1987: 98-117; Lipets, 1981: 120-133). The totems of the clans had a symbolic character, reflecting the functional significance: initiation into members of the clan, taboo on hunting, self-name, identification by physical and fighting qualities.
M. Eliade wrote: “The rapid raids of the Turkic-Mongolian conquerors were inspired by the mythical image of primitive Eurasian hunters: a predator chasing game in the steppe. The speed of movement, the suddenness of the invasion, the extermination of entire peoples, the destruction of signs of a settled culture (cities and villages) - all this brings the detachments of Mongols horsemen closer to the image of a pack of wolves" (Eliade, 2009: 8).
Identification with the totemic ancestor
Today, identification with the totemic ancestor helps to feel one's belonging to the clan, tribe, gives spiritual strength, and contributes to the formation of a sense of rootedness.
According to V. S. Mukhina, “culture contains figurative-sign systems that precede an individual person and impose themselves on him as an objective reality that acts as a condition for human existence” (Mukhina, 2010: 102). Certain images and signs appropriated by a particular person, through their unique transformation in the internal psychological field, become the real basis of the significative function of consciousness, with the help of which the emotional-volitional sphere of a person, his value orientations are built. It is the significative function of self-consciousness that is responsible for the attitude of the Buryats to traditional totems and their mythological perception.
Knowledge of the family tree is mandatory for members of the genus
The Buryats attach special importance to the name of a particular person in the series of ancestral names. Knowledge of all branches of the family tree is considered mandatory for all members of the clan: "every Buryat must know his family tree up to the seventh generation." “At family and public festivities, celebrations, in the presence of numerous guests who came from different parts, sometimes 100 miles away, among whom there were experts not only of their clan and tribe, but also of many other clans, they usually tested the children ... Standing at table in a respectful pose, the children ... listed their ancestors in ascending and descending lines, starting with Bukha noyon and ending with itself and back. To test the solidity of knowledge, the listeners asked from the middle of the genealogy, and then up and down” (Istoriya…, 1995: 64-65).
The basis of the unity of the ethnic group
Genealogical legends were and remain the collective memory of the Buryats, the matrix on which the picture of the world is built. This knowledge is the basis of the unity of the ethnos, its mythology, ideology and politics. A. D. Karnyshev wrote: “Many Buryats, both in the past and at present, are slaves of blood ties: the presence of family ties obliges them to contribute in every possible way to protection, support, unconditional assistance to loved ones ...” (Karnyshev, 2007: 41).
According to A. A. Elaev, the personality of the Buryats is a reflection of the system of numerous connections with their local group and dependence on it. In this sense, the personality is inseparable from the existing internal hierarchy of connections in the ethnic community. In modern conditions clannishness affects public relations and politics. A clear example is that there were no facts of recognition of a representative of any local group of the Buryats as a leader of a general ethnic scale by representatives of other groups (Elaev, 2000: 307). I, exploring the mental characteristics of the Buryats, confirm this observation of A. A. Elaev even today - ten years after his research.
As observation shows, at the present stage of the consolidation of the ethnos and the revival of ethnic traditions, not a single narration begins without referring to the genealogical roots: the enumeration of the deeds and names of ancestors serves as the beginning of an epic tale; praise of the hero-bator; celebration of the hero of the day and many others. others
Valuable attitude to the name
Traditionally, the value attitude to the name is manifested in its meanings and meanings. So, " Geser"should be brave, heroic," Sahidag"cutting sparks from a stone, etc. The psychological analysis of proverbs and sayings also allows us to point out the value attitude to the presence of a name:" Neregui nehyte, sologuy soho"(Someone without a name is like a beetle unreasonable); " Hain nerie huhalhada, oldhoguy, muu nerie hyuhahada, arylgahagui"(A good name is hard to find, a bad name is hard to scrape off); " Degelee sheneheen gamna, nereee seberhuh gamna(Take care of the fur coat while it is new, take care of the name until it is stained); " Muu neretei amides yabanhaar,hain neratei uhehen deere(Than to live with a bad name, it is better to die with a good one); " Neree hukhalankhaar, Ihah huhala"(Than to lose a name, it is better to break (one's) bones); " Nere oloho— nahanai, nereee huharha—uderay"(They are looking for a name all their lives, but they lose it in one day). These Buryat proverbs have analogies in many cultures of the world.
Names reflecting the characterological features of a person
In tribal society, personal names and nicknames prevailed, characterizing a person by his appearance, facial expression and constitutional features. A person received his social status by joining social roles that are closely related to his physical image. Buryats say: Shadalihain shandaahandaa yum, shanarhAin Sharaydaa Yum", which in translation means: "The strength and power of a person in his tendons, and the quality, his spiritual riches are expressed in the face." However, the name could also relate to the external characterological features of a person. For example, you can still find such names as Shantagar - "snub-nosed", Malaan - "bald", Khazagar - "crooked", etc.
Traditional superstition suggested that when choosing a name, one must certainly remember that otherworldly forces willingly take people with a beautiful and good name in meaning. In this regard, in the old days, the child was deliberately called a dissonant name with negative or derogatory semantics, such as: Edyuur (gluttonous), Muuzy (bad woman), Khandarkhay (wreck), Teneg (stupid). Often, for the same purpose, to mislead evil spirits, they were used as the names of animals: Khulgana (mouse), Baha (frog), Shono (wolf). Such names as Baasan (litter, bowel movement), Eme nokhoi (female), Balta (hammer) also performed a frightening function.
In cases where the first-born of the parents died, a special ceremony was performed at the birth of the next child. zangyaa zuuhe”, during which a silk lace with several knots was usually put on the baby’s neck, which became a kind of amulet for protection from diseases and evil spirits. Today, there are tendencies to change the name in case of persecution of failures.
The name is sensitive to all realities
As it turned out, the name of the Buryats bears closeness to all the realities described in the concept of V.S. Mukhina (Mukhina, 2010: 48-315). Our research revealed the names associated with: the realities of natural objects: [Naran (Sun), Bayan-Dalai (rich sea), Badma-Seseg (lotus flower), Seseg (flower), Suranzan (magnet), Shulun (stone)]; with the realities of the objective world [Zula (candle), Balta (hammer)]; with the realities of the social and normative space: [Aryuuna (purity), Erdem (the embodiment of knowledge), Aldar (bearer of glory), etc.].
The name was a sign of a person and represented his inner essence.
New names appeared in the Buryat name-book
A meaningful analysis of our study results showed that the primary anthroponymic fund and the pagan attitude to the name are preserved in the Buryat name book (change of name in case of failure; transfer of names by inheritance; names-amulets; names-limiters), while identification of the bearer of a specific name with a proper name and names of generic ancestors .
At the same time, names associated with the trends of integration processes appeared in the Buryat name book.
2. Claims for recognition
In the Buryat tribal society, a person who fulfilled all the requirements of the clan received universal recognition and enjoyed protection. This was manifested through the symbolic meanings and meanings of coats of arms, banners, clothes, hairstyles, places taken at meetings, etc.
The predetermination of the social status of a person in a tribal society
The method of reconstruction of studies of Buryat traditions allows us to say that the social status of an individual in a tribal society was predetermined by the status of ancestors, reflected in genealogical legends. The mode of behavior, way of thinking, personal virtues of a person were predicted and prescribed depending on his tribal status. Nobility, military prowess, generosity, wisdom were considered signs of a well-born, noble man worthy of his famous ancestors. Less expected such significant qualities from people of an humble family.
Virtues had to be followed by tribal people in order to survive in the extreme conditions of natural life and social, interethnic conflicts.
The taboo system regulates the interaction of man with nature
Today the system continues taboo, governing the relationship between man and nature. These relations are built as the relations of people with the owner of a particular area - ezhin. Thus, the Buryats believed and believe that the owner of the taiga, Khangai, punishes those who violate order in his possessions. Therefore, being in the taiga, they treat the fire with edible food, they try so that nothing unclean gets into the fire, water does not drip on it, and garbage does not get into it. You can not sing songs and shout loudly, especially whistle. A hunter is not supposed to boast, lie, swear, be sloppy, cut down trees near the parking lot, throw into the fire everything that emits a stench when burning. The sacredness of the Buryats' ideas about personal responsibility to the natural environment has its own characteristics: we are talking about intergenerational responsibility. There are myths, usually family tales, that tell about the punishing retribution of nature for inappropriate behavior and crime (“wrong” behavior in nature, “wrong” deforestation, hunting in “other” places, etc.). The probability of exposing the fate of children, grandchildren and subsequent descendants to a blow with their behavior frightens and disciplines representatives of a traditional society.
Family debt standards
Mastering the norms of tribal duty has always been of universal importance for the survival of the clan and each tribal person. For all the limitations of traditional standards, they carried (and continue to carry) the experience of human being in conditions natural and objective realities.
According to our study, modern norms of social behavior of the Buryats are no longer exist in the form of strict standards of tribal debt, but are placed in the sphere of codes and moral ideas. At the same time, observance of traditional norms of behavior continues to exist in the culture of the Buryats, especially in rural areas.
Significance of ancestral places toonto
Traditionally, there is an expectation that one should regularly visit birthplaces − tooonto- the place of burial of the placenta. In the “typical experiences” of the Buryats, the image of a dwelling is presented as a guardian of a person’s life force. The researcher of the 19th century M. N. Khangalov gave a detailed description of the process of burial of the placenta: “When a child is born, it is customary to bury the placenta in the ground in some kind of dish, most often in a birch bark basket.<...>together with the afterbirth, coal, grain bread, three black stones, occasionally a silver coin and birch splinter are placed in the basket; the latter are placed crosswise below and above; sometimes wine or tarasun is poured on the last<...>hawthorn and wild rose are buried along with the afterbirth, as evil spirits are afraid of these plants. Coal is placed with the afterbirth, imagining that they are laying fire; when heated, the coal will throw sparks, evil spirits are afraid of sparks and therefore they will be afraid to come close to the child and will abandon the intention to catch his soul ”(Khangalov, 1903: 245-246).
visits tooonto are filled with a special sacred meaning, because, according to Buryat beliefs, a person is charged with energy, life force emanating from the place of burial of the placenta, since it acts as a source of life force that nourishes a person.
The meaning of observing the "law of the ancestors"
The invariability of observing the “law of the ancestors” is reflected in the proverbs: “ Ug tureloo aldahan khuniie uhan deere tuimer edihe"(Whoever left his family, that fire will find even in the sea); "Tuuhe tooriheguy, ug orkhigdokhoguy"(History is not forgotten, but the race is not interrupted); " Oog suuryan oydo shengedeg, olon zon oron nyutagaa tushedeg"(The echo spreads through the forest, the people rely on their homeland); " Oorynhayhan daidye orhiho kheregguy, turehenhaihan nyutagaa toiroho kheregguy”(You cannot leave your beautiful homeland, you cannot bypass your native village); "X uloor oshohon erehe, hundalen oshohon erehegui(Whoever left on his feet will return, whoever is across, that is, having violated customs, left, he will not return); " Ug tureloo aldahan hunie tuimer uhan deere edihe"(Whoever left his family, fire will destroy him even on the water).
Systems of signs that affect the internal position of a person
The conceptosphere of the Buryat ethnos includes key meanings and meanings actualized in the mythologized consciousness related to the environment, living conditions and activities. Ethnos has created a system of signs that affect the internal mental activity of each person (Mukhina, 2010: 102-143). Yes, the concept serge- hitching post - retains its ritual and symbolic significance in our days. The veneration of the serge is connected with the ancient cult of the horse. Serge was placed not only near the house or yurt, but also in other places. Serge means masculinity, is considered sacred, it is strictly forbidden to break or dig it out. "Destruction or destruction serge was tantamount to the destruction of the clan, the disappearance of all descendants, ”wrote the researcher of the nineteenth century V. A. Mikhailov (Mikhailov, 1996: 33). Serge- a sign is a material, sensually perceived element of reality, acting in a certain meaning and used to store and transmit some ideal information about what lies beyond this material formation. Serge performs many functions: a sign-symbol, a sign-attribute, etc. Serge signals the number of children, sons, the formation of a new family. Today availability at home serge- a means of declaring a person about himself as a traditionally significant person who claims the respect of others.
In Buryatia, the idea of " echozanshal"- about a kind of etiquette as a reality that regulates Buryat life. An analysis of the included observation of etiquette norms allows us to state that the claim for recognition comes through the respectful attitude of people towards each other, through goodwill, through spiritual unity with nature, through reverence for elders, through the preservation of the home, through concern for the multiplication of the family.
Buryats fulfill the need for recognition in a range of traditional and new activities
Modern Buryats realize the need for recognition in a range of diverse activities: traditional (hunting, handicrafts, cattle breeding) and new ones (entrepreneurship, business, politics, etc.). The specificity of claims for recognition of the Buryats is expressed through the observance of social normative behavior. Modern Buryats claim: personal self-worth, which is affirmed by personal achievements; to a deep connection with the clan, with the family. The Buryats have a value attitude to age (to the elders), to traditional gender roles, to a career, to social status, to welfare, to religion, to the style of interpersonal relations.
3. Gender identity and gender roles
Valued and desired social maturity has always come through gender identity. A differentiated attitude towards children, depending on their gender, began very early among the Buryats. The researcher of the 19th century G. D. Natsov described the initial traditions of identifying boys and girls. So, from a ram slaughtered on the occasion of the birth of a child, they boiled the broth, which the mother drank and which was supposed to wash the child himself, and from the right leg of the ram they cooked the broth in the event of the birth of a boy, from the left - in the case of the birth of a girl (one of the manifestations of universal oppositions " male-female”, which correlates with the opposition “right-left”) (Natsov, 1995: 155).
To save the life of a child among the Western Buryats, the shaman performed a magical rite. A broom was prepared from nine branches of wild rose, and male branches were taken for the boy, and female branches for the girl.
Among the Eastern Buryat Lamaists, it was considered a reliable means to save the life of a child to invite a lama to be find- patron. If the newborn was a boy, the lama would give a bell, a vajra, or some other lama attribute as a talisman; if a girl - then a ball of coral, amber, or a scarf with a thin beautiful pattern.
The boy took the lead
With regard to the upbringing of children in the first five years of life, no distinctions were made between boys and girls. However, from the age of 5-6, the requirements for them became different, especially in families where there were few sons (one or two). In such families, boys received the right of primacy, enjoyed especially tender care, impunity, occupying a special position. The boy became the darling of the family: he was given the best piece, on solemn days he could smoke a pipe, he was given a cup of milk vodka - like adult men. In a word, the boy received privileged rights.
From an early age, the girl was instilled with the idea of her subordinate position, of dependence on her brother. Such a difference in attitudes towards boys and girls was consecrated by tradition: a son is the future breadwinner of old parents, the heir to the family hearth and economy, and most importantly, the successor of the clan (Basaeva, 1991).
Differentiation of male and female activities
Gender gender identification within activity is, first of all, divided labor. The girl was involved in labor earlier than the boys. From the age of six or seven, the girl actively participated in household chores: she nursed younger children, washed dishes, helped in cooking, and watched the hearth. From the age of eight, the girl began to help her mother in milking cows, and learned to sew and embroider. Gradually, she joined the special activities of processing wool, skins, twisting threads from tendons, twisting ropes, etc.
Boys were taught mainly to take care of horses, they herded foals and sheep. From the age of 7-8, boys participated in field work.
The boy was introduced to various male crafts: he learned how to handle a gun, archery, etc. An indication of a differentiated approach to teaching labor is the proverb: “Haadag nomo dahaiha - khubuun uran dure, habagsha shurbehe tomoho - bassagan urym dure”, which translates as “Mind the boy's skill is in the ability to draw an arrow, the girl's skill is in the ability to sew and embroider. Proverbs orient the Buryats to the early distribution of responsibilities in connection with gender roles.
Socially controlled sex relationships
The Buryats' generic gender identity, in addition to being a person's attitude to their labor duties, is also a biologically predetermined, socially taboo sex relationship. There was a whole system horyuu(prohibitions) that a woman had to adhere to in family life. There was a taboo on names: father-in-law, his father, grandfather, relatives of the husband in the ascending line. These were prohibitions on pronouncing by a woman the name of relatives along the line of her husband. These traditions have not yet been forgotten.
Tabooing the activities of men and women
The self-consciousness of the representative of the genus was determined by gender identification: men had to perform one social function, and women - another. Activities of representatives of different sexes were strictly taboo. The Buryats always remember that a tribal woman can potentially carry the life of a new member of the clan, and a man appears in the public mind as a successor to the history of the clan.
Psychological analysis of proverbs and sayings allows us to highlight the value attitude to gender identity: “ Eryn muu eneedeg, emeeley muu hahinadag"(The empty man laughs, the bad saddle creaks); " Ukherte email zohikhoguy, ehenerte archi zohikhoguy"(A saddle does not suit a cow, wine does not suit a woman)," Khanshagta hun bolbol haisha shubge khuryaaha, haadagta hun bolbol haadag nomoo manaha"(Women collect scissors and an awl, men get along with bow and arrows); “Baatar hubun - seregte, basagan uri - kharida” (The duty of a man is in the service, the duty of a woman is marriage in a foreign land); “Ere hun gerte turehe, heere uhehe” (A man will be born in a house, but must die in the steppe).
The relevance of traditional ideas about the role of men and women
As the included observation shows, Modern Buryats traditionally have pronounced gender differentiation, which determines and regulates relations between the sexes. Today, traditional ideas about the role and place of men and women remain relevant. To this day, a special attitude towards men is preserved, it is consecrated by tradition: the son is the future breadwinner of old parents, the heir to the family hearth and economy, he is the successor of the clan.
The position of a Buryat woman has a dual character: on the one hand, a woman is lower in status compared to a man, on the other hand, a modern Buryat woman has freedom of action (the mistress of the house, participation in public, family holidays and various entertainments).
In traditional situations of collective tribal rituals with an obligatory element of sacrifice - oh, taylaganah- a woman still has no right to be present today.
In modern Buryat society, gender identification is not predetermined by the division of labor into male and female. Stereotypes of male and female behavior are acquired through imitation of older representatives of the same sex, through identification with them and isolation from the opposite sex in certain age periods. At the same time, among the Buryats, especially in rural areas, there is still a traditional isolation that determines and regulates relations between men and women.
An analysis of the ethnic self-consciousness of the Buryats gave us grounds to say that to this day they are dominated by traditional attitudes to naming, to the sphere of claims for recognition and to self-realization within gender roles.
As for psychological time, in the Buryats' tribal self-awareness there was an orientation towards circular cyclic time, reflecting the cycles of the seasons, as well as the cycles of birth, life and departure of the dead into the sky - then returning to the living members of the clan through the next newborn. At the same time, modern educated Buryats have accepted the values of psychological time, which includes not only the events and experiences of personal life, not only the history of the Buryats as a whole, but also the history of the human race as a whole.
The psychological space organically includes all the essential guidelines of the above-mentioned links of self-consciousness. Mastering the standards of tribal duty among the Buryats, as well as among all the peoples of the world, had and still has “universal significance for the survival of the clan and each tribal person” (Mukhina, 2010: 715). To this day, within the Buryat family, the formation of debt among the new generation is carried out in the space of all traditional attitudes and expectations. These conditions ensure the rights and obligations of each new generation. In addition to traditional norms, modern Buryats are focused on the Constitution of Russia, laws and the Declaration of Human Rights.
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