Literary and historical notes of a young technician. Kornilov speech

State meeting

In Russia, the process of polarization of class and political forces was accelerating day by day. Under these conditions, the ineffective attempts of the Provisional Government and the SR-Menshevik Soviets to keep Russia on the path of democracy, unknown to her until then, to ensure a coalition of all parties with the exception of the two extreme wings (Bolsheviks and open opponents of February), met with growing opposition from both the left and the right.

The Bolshevik Party at its VI Congress (July 26 - August 3) removed the slogan "All power to the Soviets." The congress proclaimed a course towards an armed seizure of power.

On the opposite, right, political flank, the number of supporters of the military dictatorship was growing. This flank united very diverse forces. There were many people here who intended to return Russia to the pre-February situation. There were also those who, hiding behind the monarchist banner, hatched personal ambitious plans. There were also people sincerely concerned about the fate of the Fatherland who wanted to stop the progressive collapse of the state and its most important institution, the army.

Acute dissatisfaction with the weakness of the Provisional Government, its inability - despite the abundance of declarations and statements - to put an end to "revolutionary anarchy" at the front and in the rear was clearly manifested in the work of the State Conference (August 12-15), which was attended by representatives of the bourgeoisie, the highest clergy, officers and generals, former deputies of the State Duma, the leadership of the Soviets and trade unions. Convened by A.F. Kerensky, hoping to enlist support for his "Bonapartist" policy, the Conference clearly and unambiguously refused him this. The central figure at the meeting was the Supreme Commander-in-Chief (since July 18, 1917), General L.G. Kornilov.

Secret collusion between Kornilov and Kerensky

Preparations for a military coup began even before the State Conference. Generals of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command headed by L.G. directly participated in it. Kornilov, officer organizations (Military League, the Union of Knights of St. George, the Union of Army and Navy Officers, etc.), commercial and industrial circles, the society for the economic revival of Russia, led by A.I. Guchkov and A.I. Putilov, as well as the tops of the Cadet Party , finally convinced that "the revolution has gone off the rails."

There was no complete coordination in the plans and actions of these forces. Nevertheless, they all agreed on the need to dissolve the Soviets and soldiers' committees, and to ban the Bolshevik Party. The provisional government had a different fate. The Cadets tried to convince L.G. Kornilov to carry out a coup under the “shadow” of the cabinet, then limiting itself to its reorganization, and most importantly, in alliance with Prime Minister A.F. Kerensky. The question of the specific form of dictatorship remained open.

On August 10, the Supreme Commander handed Kerensky a memorandum. It determined the range of those urgent measures that could form the basis for the first joint step towards "firm power". The general proposed restoring the disciplinary power of officers, limiting the competence of military committees to "the interests of the economic life of the army", extending the law on the death penalty to the rear units, disbanding disobedient military units with sending the lower ranks to "concentration camps with the most severe regime", transferring railways, most of factories and mines to martial law with a ban on rallies and strikes.

A.F. Kerensky hesitated for a long time, but after the fiasco at the State Conference, he nevertheless decided to implement the measures proposed by the general. On August 24, his personal representative B.V. Savinkov, a former SR terrorist, arrived in Mogilev, where the Stavka was located. The agreement was reached quickly: Kerensky accepted all the points of Kornilov's memorandum for execution, and the general undertook to send military units loyal to him to Petrograd to suppress "possible unrest", in other words, to repress all forces objectionable to the authorities. By the time the troops arrived in the capital, the prime minister had to declare martial law in the city. The Supreme Commander-in-Chief immediately gave the order to move to the capital of the cavalry corps and two cavalry divisions in echelons by rail.

rebellion

After the return of BV Savinkov to Petrograd, Kerensky again had doubts. He suddenly clearly imagined what would happen in the seething city after the troops were sent there (including the “Wild Division”, recruited from Muslims who hardly spoke Russian), what blood would be shed during the dispersal of the Bolshevik Party, the Soviets and other organizations of the “revolutionary democracy” ". And will the Kornilov units dare to this bloodshed, are they so reliable? These doubts of A.F. Kerensky were put to rest by the news he received about the plans of L.G. Kornilov: to remove the Provisional Government and take over the full military and civil power. Modern historians dispute the reliability of these reports. In any case, they rather reflected the general mood of Kornilov's monarchist environment than the firm intention of himself. But in the shaky and utterly uncertain atmosphere of August 1917, Kerensky did not pursue the truth. He immediately decided, what is called with his head, to betray the general to the left and, at the cost of his removal from the political arena, to strengthen his own positions.

On the morning of August 27, a government telegram was sent to Headquarters, recalling L.G. Kornilov from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, and in the evening newspapers appeared an official report signed by Kerensky accusing Kornilov of trying to "establish a state order that contradicts the gains of the revolution." As the main evidence, they pointed to the movement of the Kornilov troops towards Petrograd. The cadet ministers, not wanting to participate in the massacre of the general, resigned. The government actually collapsed, and the Directory became in power, which, along with politicians (A.F. Kerensky, M.I. Tereshchenko, A.M. Nikitin), for the first time included the military (General A.I. Verkhovsky, Admiral D.N. Verderevsky).

The Prime Minister, having turned to the left, immediately received the powerful support of the Soviets, trade unions, socialist parties (including the Bolsheviks), who established the Committee of the People's Struggle against Counter-Revolution. The railroad began to sabotage the transportation of the Kornilovites. In Petrograd, armed detachments of the workers' Red Guard were vigorously formed. Before the members of the RSDLP (b) imprisoned in the July days, the doors of prisons opened.

L.G. Kornilov refused to resign from his duties as Supreme Commander and withdraw the divisions. In his address "To the Russian people", transmitted from Headquarters on the morning of August 28, he regarded the actions of the head of government "as a great provocation", which puts the fate of the Fatherland at stake. These actions turned the advance of the Kornilov units to Petrograd, which at first was completely legitimate, sanctioned from above, into an open anti-government uprising, a rebellion. Neither the troops nor their commanders were ready for such a turn. The confusion was aggravated by the "explanatory" work of the revolutionary agitators, who freely penetrated into the military echelons on their way to the capital. As a result, the corps and two divisions were stopped and dispersed, Kornilov and his associates were arrested, and General A.M. Krymov, who directly commanded the military expedition, shot himself.

Third coalition government

A.F. Kerensky tried, relying on a broad anti-Kornilov wave, to strengthen his position and stabilize the situation in the country. In order to "give moral satisfaction to public opinion," Russia on September 1 was proclaimed a republic. On September 14, a Democratic Conference was convened, designed, according to its organizers, to consolidate Russian society on the basis of rallying all opponents of the military dictatorship. It was attended by representatives of political parties, zemstvos, city dumas, trade unions, Soviets, and the army. At the Meeting, it was decided to elect a permanent body - the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic (Pre-Parliament) and give it the right to control the government until the Constituent Assembly.

At the same time, A.F. Kerensky, through complex behind-the-scenes maneuvers, managed to achieve the consent of a group of politicians from among the Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Cadets and non-party people to enter the third coalition government. Its composition, replenished with military ranks, was approved by the Pre-Parliament. On September 25, the new cabinet of ministers began to work. And almost immediately he freed himself from accountability to the Pre-Parliament, which after that turned into an institution without rights, a place of fruitless and exhausting discussions.

So, A.F. Kerensky defeated the rebel generals and restored the official structures of state power. But the fragile balance of power in the country was irreversibly upset. The defeat of the Kornilov uprising caused confusion and disorganization in the ranks of the right, primarily officers, hatred for Kerensky, who was accused of lack of principle and political treachery, of finally undermining the combat capability of the Russian army. Having lost the support of the right, the authorities faced a direct and lightning-fast threat of a blow from the left, the Bolshevik flank.

40) The coming of the Bolsheviks to power in Petrograd. October Revolution of 1917 II All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Decree on peace, on land. Proclamation of the Republic of Soviets. Formation of new supreme authorities of the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People.

Bolsheviks take power

nationwide crisis

Every now and then successive ministers of the Provisional Government increasingly lost control over the collapsing Russian economy. By the end of 1917, the output of the main types of industrial products had fallen by almost half compared with the previous year. Close to complete paralysis was the railroad. The financial crisis has taken on unprecedented proportions. As Minister of Finance N.V. Nekrasov, the state "purse is empty, it contains only unpaid bills." Direct public debt reached an astronomical amount - up to 500 billion rubles (or 250 billion dollars at the rate of early 1917). And 12 billion of them accounted for external debt. Inflation raged, reducing the purchasing power of the ruble to 6-7 pre-war kopecks. Rising prices, interruptions in food supply, mass speculation exacerbated the needs of the population. On the eve of another military winter, the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik Izvestia of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets stated gloomily: “Everything is falling apart, everything is going downhill. Supply is falling, production is falling, nothing can be obtained for any money ... Economic life is heading towards a clear collapse.

The working population of the cities especially suffered from the economic ruin. The increase in wages achieved after February was quickly canceled out by the high cost and lack of bread. Strikes multiplied like an avalanche. Entrepreneurs went to lockouts, closed plants, factories and mines. The workers moved from demands for control over production to slogans of transferring enterprises to the working people, and the authorities to the Soviets. A major political event was the September all-Russian strike of railroad workers.

In the autumn, the fire of peasant uprisings flared up in the village. Landlord lands were seized everywhere. The military and Cossack teams could not cope with the "agrarian riots": their number in September-October increased by 6 times compared to March-July 1917. Punitive military expeditions caused a reciprocal exasperation of the village, where arson of estates began, reprisals against their inhabitants.

In essence, part of the agrarian movement was the speech for the world of yesterday's peasants - soldiers, completely exhausted by the war. The more resolutely the village rose up against the landowners, the more insistently the soldiers demanded "reconciliation" at the front in order to return home as soon as possible and take part in the division of the land of large owners. The army increasingly "voted for peace with its feet" - this was the name given to mass desertion. In 1917, about 2 million people arbitrarily left military units. Refusals to execute orders, fraternization with the enemy became common. The officers, indiscriminately taken by both the authorities and the lower ranks of the army under suspicion as Kornilovites, were losing their last leverage over the demoralized soldier masses. Their place was taken by army committees, especially at the company and regimental level, which leaned towards Bolshevism.

The alignment of political forces

From the end of August 1917, the leadership of the Soviets (first Petrograd and Moscow, then others major cities) gradually passes to the Bolsheviks. Hundreds of Soviets accept as a program the resolutions on power proposed by the factions of the RSDLP(b). They contained a categorical condemnation of the policy of "compromise", demanded the resignation of the Provisional Government and the creation of power from "representatives of the revolutionary proletariat and peasantry" in order to carry out fundamental changes in the social structure of the country. The Bolsheviks again put forward the slogan "All power to the Soviets", without abandoning in principle the course towards an armed uprising.

The Bolshevik Party was by this time a serious political force. If in April 1917 there were about 70 thousand people in its ranks, then by September of the same year it numbered more than 300 thousand people. In addition to the branched party structure, the RSDLP (b) had a Military Organization for direct work in the army, and also controlled the armed detachments of the Red Guard. By October, they numbered over 100 thousand people.

The main competitors of the Bolsheviks in the struggle for influence on the people, the socialist parties, on the contrary, were in a serious crisis. Their influence among the working masses was falling, their numbers were declining due to the outflow of rank-and-file members. There was a split among the Socialist-Revolutionaries in October. The left wing, headed by M.A. Spiridonova, stood out. At the end of November 1917, it took shape as an independent party of the Left SRs. Cases of the transition of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries to the Bolshevik Party became more frequent.

Fluctuations in the Bolshevik Central Committee

Meanwhile, in the absence of V.I. Lenin (he was hiding in Finland at that time), considerable hesitation manifested itself in the Bolshevik leadership. Some of the leaders, mindful of the lessons of the July events, did not consider it expedient to carry out an armed uprising at the present moment and suggested more carefully preparing for the seizure of power. The other part clearly manifested conciliatory moods, the desire to maintain some semblance of a united front with the socialists, which had developed in the days of Kornilovism. Evidence of this was the participation of the Bolshevik delegation in the Democratic Conference and in the Pre-Parliament.

G. E. Zinoviev and L. B. Kamenev argued that only the growth of the revolution in Europe would make it obligatory for the Bolsheviks to immediately take power. The leaders of the moderate wing of Bolshevism expressed serious doubts about the degree of popularity of the party among the people: “We support the majority of the workers and a significant proportion of the soldiers. But everything else is in question. With the right tactics, emphasized G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev, the Bolsheviks can get about a third of the seats in the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the moderate Bolsheviks defended not a revolutionary, but a parliamentary, peaceful path for the further development of the country. Moreover, they did not even raise the question of taking power entirely under the control of the Bolshevik Party.

IN AND. Lenin, from his distance, adhered to a completely different assessment of the situation and prospects for the party. In letters and articles regularly sent to Petrograd (“The Bolsheviks must take power”, “Marxism and the uprising”, “Will the Bolsheviks keep state power?”, etc.), he demanded that the Central Committee immediately transfer the preparation of the uprising to a practical plane. The most weighty argument of V.I. Lenin were the words: “We have thousands of armed workers and soldiers in St. Petersburg, who can immediately take the Winter Palace, and the General Staff, and the telephone station, and all the major printing houses ... If they hit immediately, suddenly, from three points, in Petersburg, in Moscow, in the Baltic Fleet, then ninety-nine hundredths for the fact that we will win. V.I. Lenin tirelessly repeated: The Provisional Government is insidiously preparing to surrender Petrograd and the Baltic Fleet to the Germans in order to strangle the revolution in its very center.

Lenin's colossal pressure on the vacillating tops of the party bore fruit already on October 7, the day the Bolshevik leader illegally returned to the capital. Then the delegation of the RSDLP(b) defiantly left the first meeting of the Pre-Parliament. At a meeting of the Central Committee on October 10, despite the vigorous objections of G.E. Zinoviev and L.B. Kamenev, a resolution was adopted in which the seizure of power was put "on the order of the day." The line for "comprehensive and most intensified preparations for an armed uprising" was confirmed in a resolution of the Central Committee of October 16.

Power Storm

On October 12, the Petrograd Soviet, headed by L.D. Trotsky, elected the Military Revolutionary Committee (VRC), which, in addition to the Bolsheviks, included representatives of the left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and anarchists. On October 22, the Military Revolutionary Committee sent its plenipotentiary commissars to all military units of the Petrograd garrison, which effectively deprived the Provisional Government of power over them. Starting from October 24, detachments of the Military Revolutionary Committee, consisting of Red Guard workers, revolutionary soldiers and sailors of the Baltic Fleet, began to occupy key points in the capital: railway stations, bridges, telegraph, power stations. On the night of October 26, the rebels captured the Winter Palace. The provisional government ceased to exist, and its ministers were taken into custody.

The rebellion cannot end in success, otherwise it is called differently.

Marshak S.Ya.

The Kornilov rebellion took place from 25 to 30 August 1917. Opponents were the supreme commander of the army, General Kornilov, and Prime Minister Kerensky. The events of those days raise more questions than answers. The official version says that General Kornilov rebelled and tried to seize power. He tried to concentrate power in his hands in order to become the sole ruler of Russia, destroying the fruits of the February Revolution. As part of today's article, I want to cite some facts from the Kornilov rebellion that will indicate weak sides official version and also let's take a look at this historical event from another point of view.

Kornilov's path to power

Lavr Georgievich Kornilov was born in 1870. He graduated from Omsk cadet corps by scoring the highest score. In 1898 he graduated from the Academy of the General Staff. Participated in the Russo-Japanese War, heroically proving himself in the battle of Mukden. With the beginning of the First World War, he took command of an infantry division. In its composition he was captured in April 1915, and in July 1916 he fled. March 2, 1917 was appointed commander of the Petrograd Military District. Participated in the dispersal of demonstrations in the April crisis days. After a conflict with the Soviets, he returns to the front and takes command of the aria. They are almost the only one who successfully fights. On July 19, he took over as Commander-in-Chief, replacing Brusilov in this position.

Why did the rebellion occur?

On July 25, at Headquarters, which was in Mogilev, Lavr Kornilov expressed ideas that consisted in restoring order in the country. To this end, the following measures were supposed to be implemented:

1. Immediate introduction of martial law in the country.
2. Cancellation in whole or in part of Order No. 1.
3. The introduction of courts-martial in the army.
4. Ban political activity bartender.

These measures were supposed to restore order at the front and in the rear.

On August 3, Kornilov arrived in Petrograd and on the same day published his “Report to the Provisional Government” in the newspaper Izvestia. The report caused a wide resonance, since the people who had gained power as a result of the February revolution felt threatened. Kornilov's report received full approval among the generals and among public organizations Russia.

From August 12 to 15, 1917, Kerensky and Kornilov spoke at the State Conference. Kerensky spoke of a truce and condemnation of all forms of extremism. Kornilov talked about taking decisive measures to restore order in the country. Kornilov's speech was met with much more enthusiasm than Kerensky's. After Kornilov, General Cossack troops Kaledin, who partially supported the ideas of the commander-in-chief, stating that all revolutionary organizations within the country should be destroyed.

Kornilov was popular with the army, public organizations, and the bourgeoisie. It was a significant force to be heeded. Therefore, Kerensky decided to negotiate. On August 23, Deputy Minister of War Savinkov, following an order from Kerensky, conducts negotiations with Kornilov. As a result of these negotiations, the following positions were formed:

• On August 29, 1917, martial law was introduced in Petrograd.
• The Petrograd military garrison was completely transferred to the command of the commander-in-chief.
• To restore order in Petrograd, the 3rd cavalry corps of General Krymov is transferred to the city.
• Establishment of an emergency council of people's defense to govern the country. The council was to include Kornilov, Kerensky, Alekseev, Kolchak, Savinkov and Filonenko.

On August 25, the army of General Krymov, which included the First Don Cossack Division, the Ussuri Cavalry Division, and the Caucasian Native Cavalry Division, began to move towards Petrograd. Kornilov was at headquarters.

rebellion

On August 22, Vladimir Nikolaevich Lvov, the former chief prosecutor of the Synod, met with Kerensky and offered his services in negotiations with Kornilov to settle their differences. Then there are 2 versions of events. Lvov says that Kerensky agreed, while Kerensky claims that he did not agree to the meeting. Who to believe? It is necessary to consider the totality of the following actions in order to understand the answer to this question.

On August 24, Lvov meets with Kornilov at Headquarters. The general confirms all 4 points previously agreed upon, and declares that he is waiting for Kerensky in Mogilev for the transfer of authority.

On August 26, Lvov returned to Petrograd and conveyed his demands to Kerensky. Thus began the Kornilov "mutiny". It is impossible to unambiguously form a chronicle of the events of this day, since there are very few sources left. Around midnight, Kerensky convenes an emergency meeting of the government and announces Kornilov's betrayal. At the same time, he demands:

• All power for yourself
• Creation of a Directory that will govern the country.

The Prime Minister received none of this. All the ministers of the emergency meeting resigned. It was a turning point, when Kerensky actually lost his footing.

On August 27, Kerensky sends an order to Headquarters. In it, he orders Kornilov to step down as commander in chief, transferring them to his chief of staff, Lukomsky. Lukomsky responded with a refusal and the full support of his commander. Kerensky himself appeals for support to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, which forms the "Committee of the People's Struggle against Counter-Revolution."

Russia, our Motherland is dying! Her end is near! The Provisional Government, which supports the majority of the Soviets, is carrying out the plan of the German General Staff in full. The government is killing the army and shaking the country from within. I, General Kornilov, declare that I do not need anything but the preservation of Russia and its power. I vow to lead the people through victory to the Constituent Assembly, at which the fate of the state and state life will be decided.

Davr Kornilov

On August 28, an special issue of the Izvestia newspaper is published, in which Kerensky accuses General Kornilov of treason and an attempted rebellion. He confirmed that on August 26, through Lvov, he received an ultimatum from Kornilov about transferring all full state and military power to him. In the article, he repeated the order to Kornilov to surrender the post of commander, and also notified the transfer of Petrograd to martial law.

General Krymov and his role

Meanwhile, the army of General Krymov, who had no idea what was happening, was marching towards Petrograd. He had begun his nomination even before the quarrel between Kerensky and Kornilov and was absolutely sure that everything was going according to plan. However, near Pskov, he receives 2 orders that shocked him. At the same time comes Kornilov's order to march on Petrograd, and Kerensky's order to retreat immediately. After deliberation, he decides to carry out the order of his commander. But there were problems. The army was ready to march on Petrograd, but it was going there to restore order, and then it turned out that they were going to save Kornilov and shoot Kerensky. Therefore, Krymov went to the trick. He announced to the army that there were riots in Petrograd and the army should enter there in order to put things in order. There were 2 problems:

• The Don Cossack division under the command of Khreschatitsky refused to move on.
• Native division in in full force announced a cessation.

Of particular interest is the case of the Native Division. It consisted of Caucasian peoples. By the way, in Petrograd they were extremely afraid of her arrival, because they understood that the Caucasians did not care who was “right” and who was “left” - they would simply cut everyone. But at that very time, a congress of leaders of Muslim communities was taking place in the city, who went to the division and communicated with it for an hour. After that, the Caucasians decided not to fight.

In fact, Krymov was left without an army, and for the first time in his career there was a situation that the army refused to follow his orders. He was always proud of his relationship with the soldiers, whom he understood well. But here is a twist. In fact, this Kornilov rebellion was over.

General Krymov arrives in Petrograd on August 30 to meet with Kerensky. We do not know what they were talking about, we only know that on the same night Krymov shot himself.

The arrest of Kornilov

On the side of Kerensky was the famous General Alekseev, who enjoyed great respect among the troops. August 31 Alekseev arrives in Mogilev. The content of his conversation with Kornilov is also unknown, but after it Kornilov agreed to resign as commander-in-chief if the authorities let Denikin and other generals who were arrested as traitors, and also recognizes the fact that they are misunderstood and will not declare anyone rebels. Alekseev transmits these demands to Petrograd, after which Kerensky appoints himself commander in chief, Alekseev chief of staff, and General Verkhovsky minister of war.

Kerensky did not keep his promises. Alekseev was ordered to deal with the rebels and on September 2 he arrested Kornilov with 21 more people from his army.

After 3 days, Kerensky arrives at the headquarters, who personally scolded Alekseev that there were very few arrested people and that as many people as possible should be punished more severely. Alekseev refused and resigned.

General Kornilov was under arrest in Mogilev. Then he escaped and took part in the Civil War, dying near Ekaterinograd.

Can the Kornilov rebellion be called a rebellion?

Soviet historians have unequivocally said that the Kornilov rebellion was a plot to destroy the freedoms won by the revolution. In the post-Soviet era, it is increasingly said that there was an agreement between Kerensky and Kornilov, which at the last moment did not go according to plan, which led to a confrontation. Indeed, Kerensky's "red banner of revolution" and Kornilov's "faithful army" could bring order to the country.

The rebellion itself and the way it was presented by the Soviets has a number of very controversial points:

• General Kornilov did not leave Mogilev all the time of the "mutiny". Can you imagine that a riot has begun, and its leader is hundreds of kilometers away?
• If we assume that it really was a rebellion, then the center of the rebellion was Mogilev, where the Headquarters was located. Consequently, the whole army revolted. Then it is absolutely incomprehensible why, after Krymov's suicide, Kornilov did not send other regiments to Petrograd. After all, the army was for him ...
• How did you manage to arrest the general at Headquarters, which was the center of the rebellion?

In fact, Kornilov, like a soldier, wanted to save Russia, which was threatened by war. His demands were reasonable. The general demanded full power for himself until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, but that is exactly what Kerensky did. The prime minister, knocking before an official announcement, demanded full power for himself. The problem is that Kerensky needed power to strengthen his position, and Kornilov needed it to save the army and the country, preventing defeat at the front.

In the end, I propose to answer the fans classic version to a simple question - who suppressed the Kornilov revolt? Someone suppressed all the rebellions and riots. Even if you don't remember the name specific person, then you can remember the army that suppressed the Razin rebellion, the Copper Riots and other rebellions. But who suppressed the rebellion of General Kornilov? It turns out that no one. The rebellion arose on its own and disappeared on its own. It's not logical...

Historical implications

In the historical assessment of the events of August 1917, one can understand how the Kornilov rebellion influenced October Revolution. The fact is that all parties, except for the Bolsheviks, were somehow involved in the events of the "mutiny". Ultimately, this undermined people's faith in them. But the Bolsheviks were wiser. They did not support either Kornilov or Kerensky, as a result of which the people saw them as their own, and not people ready to do anything for the sake of power. This led to their support and strengthening of their positions, which in turn led to the October Revolution.

The Kornilov rebellion is an unsuccessful attempt to introduce a military dictatorship in Russia, undertaken at the end of August 1917 by General Lavr Georgievich Kornilov, who at that time led the Russian army.

Kornilov rebellion: causes

In July 1917, the struggle between "right" and "left" political forces for power sharply intensified in Russia. The right-wing forces, which included the nobility, officers and clergy, believed that it was time to end the “revolutionary anarchy” that had been established in the country, therefore they welcomed the introduction of a military dictatorship and the elimination of the Soviets. And the "left" - the party of the Bolsheviks - took a firm course towards the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the final establishment of their power in the country.

The general situation continued to deteriorate. The peasants did not wait for the promised land, and discontent grew among the workers. Ukraine and Finland were moving towards full autonomy. Soldiers and sailors were massively fascinated by the idea of ​​a class revolution. The country was threatened with famine.

Under these conditions, Russian society resembled a powder keg that could explode at any time. realized that only a new strong government and a military dictatorship could save the state from final collapse. General Kornilov was chosen for the role of dictator. He enjoyed great respect among the soldiers and officers, was a powerful, resolute and tough man. In conditions of danger, he showed absolute decency, devotion to his homeland and everything best qualities his strong will.

Being appointed commander-in-chief instead of General Brusilov, he introduced a ban on rallies at the front, established execution for desertion, and significantly limited the rights and powers of the soldiers' committees. From the government, he demanded militarization railways and enterprises of the defense complex.

On August 12, 1917, the head of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, convened a State Conference, which was attended by landowners, representatives of the bourgeoisie, officers, the tops of the Cossacks and the clergy, and the generals. At this meeting, the issues of introducing reprisals against peasants who arbitrarily seize the land of landowners, the prohibition of workers to interfere in the affairs of production, and the prohibition of rallies and meetings were discussed.

General Kornilov demanded the establishment of iron discipline, permission to introduce the death penalty and the complete abolition of the Soviets. Somewhat veiledly, he declared that in order to fight against the revolution and the Bolsheviks, he would surrender Riga to the German troops in order to open the way for them to Petrograd, the stronghold of the revolutionary forces.

Most of the meeting participants warmly supported the general's statements. Kornilov had complete confidence that the troops would support him if he launched a coup. On the eve of the Meeting, the Union of Knights of St. George, the Union of Cossack Troops and many other associations publicly expressed their support for the general.

And on August 21, German troops occupied Riga, which Kornilov warned about. It seemed that the situation for a coup and the establishment of a dictatorship was the most favorable.

After the State Conference, General Kornilov returned to Headquarters and, guided by the decision of the Provisional Government and the consent of Kerensky, began to illegally send his troops to Petrograd. He sent the 3rd cavalry corps and the "Wild" (Native) division to the capital, led by

At this time, Kerensky was playing his game. On August 27, he ordered Kornilov to resign as commander-in-chief, and after the general's natural refusal to obey, he declared him a rebel. Actually, Kerensky did not count on the fact that Kornilov would listen to him. In fact, it was a huge provocation aimed at strengthening the power of Kerensky himself.

So, Kerensky begins to conduct confused negotiations with the Headquarters, in which Prince Lvov acts as an intermediary. He is trying with all his might to discredit Kornilov, but the Provisional Government still refuses to recognize him as a rebel. In response, Kerensky dissolves the government and assumes emergency dictatorial powers. He personally removes Kornilov from office, although this is an absolutely illegal action. At the same time, he is trying to stop the advance of Kornilov's "Wild Division" on Petrograd.

Kornilov, refusing to obey Kerensky, assumes full power and begins to issue appeals to the people and the army. In particular, he promises to "save Great Russia”, to achieve a convocation, accuses the Bolsheviks of conspiring with Germany, calls on the people not to obey the government. Kornilov's speeches were supported by many organizations and military associations. But, since they were not involved in Kornilov's struggle in advance, only moral support could be provided.

Kerensky at this time is feverishly trying by any means to stop Kornilov. He sends telegrams ordering him to urgently leave for Petersburg, but Kornilov refuses to obey Kerensky. In response, he openly puts forward his demands: to exclude from the government those ministers who, according to Kornilov himself, are traitors to the motherland, and to establish firm and strong power in the country.

The Wild Division is advancing ever closer to Petrograd. At the Antropshino station, they arrange a skirmish with the Petrograd garrison, having occupied Luga before this and disarmed the local garrison. The provisional government understands that it is not able to cope with Kornilov, so it seeks help from the Bolsheviks. They send their agitators to Kornilov's troops, and the Petrograd workers are officially given weapons, which will later play one of the decisive roles in the victory of the Bolsheviks in

It was possible to stop Kornilov's troops on August 29. The saboteurs dismantled the railway track, and the agitators persuaded the soldiers to lay down their weapons and surrender. Krymov left his army and went to Petrograd. He felt deceived, so on the same day, after negotiations with Kerensky, he mortally wounded himself with a shot in the chest.

Kornilov refused to flee from Headquarters, although he was given the opportunity to do so. On September 1, the general and the people closest to him were arrested. The rebellion of General Kornilov was suppressed.

Kornilov rebellion: consequences

This event played a very important role in the history of Russia. Kerensky tried to consolidate his power, but instead played into the hands of the Bolsheviks. They got absolutely legal opportunity to arm themselves. The intensified formation of new detachments of the Red Guard began. The camp of the “rightists” has essentially divided itself, which means that it has lost the ability to maintain and strengthen its power.

After these events, the Soviets began a new chapter in history, which led to the failure of the Provisional Government and the victory of the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution.

The beginning of a revolution never provides answers to questions about what will be the result. A revolution always only opens up prospects for new opportunities. A number of individuals or parties are always trying to take advantage of them in order to turn the revolutionary course in their own direction. This has been the case in all revolutions, from the revolution in the Netherlands in the 16th century to the revolutionary events of the 21st century. However, in every revolution there will always be forces whose goal will be to restore the old order, or at least preserve its main features. The revolutionary events of 1917 in Russia are no exception.
In February 1917, Nicholas II abdicated the throne, power passed to the Provisional Government. The new government faced a number of tasks, the main of which were the issues of peace and land. continued in the west fighting between Russia and the united armies of Austria-Hungary and Germany. In the conditions of the fall of the monarchy, many soldiers stopped following orders, mass desertions and voluntary mass abandonment of the front began in the army. The first who were dissatisfied with the power of the Provisional Government were the Russian generals. In July, the so-called “government crisis” arose, some of the leaders of the Provisional Government resigned, the majority were occupied by the socialists, and F. Kerensky became the head. During these events, the party of V. Lenin tried to seize power for the first time, but their plans did not materialize. However, for many, in particular for army generals, these events showed impotence new government solve problems of national importance. Several commanders decided to carry out a coup and establish a military dictatorship with the possibility of returning the Romanovs to the throne, and therefore with the prospect of a revival of the empire. Lavr Georgievich Kornilov became the head of these generals.
A few words about the future leader of the rebellion. General Russian army during the First World War, L. Kornilov, and before that a member of the Russian-Japanese war, in July 1917 was appointed Supreme Commander of the Southwestern Front. He was an ardent monarchist, therefore, with the beginning February Revolution did not experience much joy. Failures on the military front (the loss of part of Western Ukraine, the occupation of Riga by the Germans in August 1917) finally persuaded Kornilov to organize and carry out a military coup. Back in July, he turned to the Provisional Government with a proposal to resume the death penalty at the front in order to strengthen military discipline. However, his demands were rejected.
On August 25, 1917, General Kornilov ordered the 3rd Cavalry Corps under the leadership of Krymov to launch an offensive from the territory of Belarus to Petrograd. On August 26-27, news of the beginning of the counter-revolution spread throughout the country. In many cities former empire Committees for the Protection of the Revolution were created. They were massively joined by workers and the intelligentsia, who did not want to lose all the achievements of the revolution. Soldiers and generals began to cross over to their side, and as a result they stopped following the orders of General Kornilov. It was on August 26 that the definition of “mutiny” was first assigned to these events. This is exactly what F. Kerensky called this military speech at a meeting of the Provisional Government. On August 28, Kornilov was declared a "traitor and traitor." However, some members of the Union of Officers headed by A. Kaledin went over to his side. The Bolsheviks go over to the side of the Provisional Government in order to defeat the common enemy. On August 27, a number of generals were arrested, among them was the future leader of the "white" movement A. Denikin. On September 1, Kornilov himself was arrested. The leaders of the rebellion were sent to the Bykhov prison, not far from Belarusian city Mogilev. The counterrevolution was defeated.
Many prisoners after the October Bolshevik coup were able to escape and go to the Don, where they joined the ranks of the Volunteer Army, which was named as a result of the "white" movement. Among the participants was L. Kornilov. In April 1918, he died during the battles on the territory of the Kuban for Katerinodar (now Krasnodar), after which the “white” movement was headed by A. Denikin.
The main result of the Kornilov revolt is the stopping of the counter-revolution. But at the same time, supporters and adherents of monarchism remained, who later joined the "white" movement, and received huge support from the Entente countries (primarily England and France). Therefore, the events of August 1917 can be considered the beginning civil war, or rather its first stage. The main rivals were the monarchists on the one hand and the supporters of the revolution in Russia on the other. After the Bolsheviks came to power, new stage internal confrontation, which ended only in 1920 with the victory of the Red Army over the army of General Wrangel.
The Kornilov rebellion was unsuccessful, but it showed that in the course of a revolution there is always a place for an alternative. The course of revolutionary competitions can turn in different directions. The Kornilovites wanted to turn towards right-wing ideology: monarchism and conservatism. However, in the end, the revolution turned to the left: towards socialism and communism. Kornilov and his supporters finally showed the Bolsheviks the weakness of the new regime, as well as the fact that they needed to act as soon as possible. Just two months after the Kornilov revolt, the Bolsheviks overthrew the Provisional Government and seized power in the country.

History is an undeniable thing. Many years later, the Kornilov rebellion is being reviewed today by contemporaries, using various sources, documents leading to the proof of certain important points that influenced the historical course of any state. And the Kornilov rebellion: the reasons that led to this event in the days of revolutionary events tsarist Russia at the beginning of the 19th century, it is included in this list of issues. The historical process of any state does not go smoothly and among the many problems remains the issue of state governance. And it was precisely this problem that the anti-government rebellion from August 25 to 31, 1917, under the leadership of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief L. G. Kornilov, was supposed to solve. There were all the prerequisites for this rebellion: the crisis of the provisional government; precarious position in the military environment; unstable external political environment and military intervention; social and national problems. And no small cause of evil in this whole situation was seen in the Bolsheviks, headed by V.I. Lenin. The most suitable candidate at that time was General L.G. Kornilov, who put forward the idea of ​​establishing a military dictatorship in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. Thus, the Kornilov rebellion: its causes lie in a number of historical facts, namely: 1. The impact of revolutionary changes in the country's armed forces with the introduction of the institutions of workers' committees and commissars. Which led to disorder in the military environment, violating traditions and authoritarian principles with a weakening of unity of command.2. The military was not satisfied with the candidacy of A.F. Kerensky himself for the post of Minister of Military and Naval Forces of that period, the reason was his lack of knowledge of military affairs.3. The deterioration of the social and economic situation in Russia, which affected not only the position of the workers and peasant masses, but also representatives of the commercial and industrial sectors. They secretly financed the emerging organizations and centers of Petrograd dissatisfied with the activities of the Provisional Government with the coordination of their actions.4. The provisional government was not able to bring the country out of the economic crisis, and the failure to implement the economic program caused discontent, not only among the workers, but also among the peasants.
5. In this situation, there was a demarcation of political forces between the lower strata of society and the created coalition Council and the Provisional Government. Another explosion of discontent led to a mass mutiny among the workers and soldiers of the garrisons in July 1917. The government did not take steps to suppress the rebels. Otherwise, this would lead to the transition of the government to an open offensive. Therefore, repressive measures were taken against the Bolsheviks who supported this uprising. The Bolsheviks had to go underground, but managed to prepare for the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) in early August 1917 and decide on the preparatory work of an armed uprising.
6. The inconsistency of power also manifested itself during the April events in Petrograd, the reason was the put forward decision to continue the war with the Germans until victory. Then the people resolutely opposed the policy of the Provisional Government by mass protests and riots. Which led to the reorganization of the government, which included the Cadets and socialists. The composition was approved at the First Congress of the Council in July 1917. The July events led to the end of the dual power, changing the balance of political forces between the Provisional Government and the Soviets.
7. The alarming situation on the fronts also caused the Kornilov uprising, despite the temporary successes of the Russian troops in the region of Galich and Kalush under his direct leadership. However, in July the Germans managed to break through the front near the city of Ternopil with a large superiority of forces. By August 20, the Germans had taken Riga. Russian troops with heavy losses continued to retreat. The battles for the Moonsund Islands in the coastal part of Estonia (October 1, 1917) did not give great results either. Despite the desperate resistance of Russian sailors, the Germans managed to capture these islands. The battleship Slava and the destroyer Grom were sunk by the enemy, the army was losing its combat capability.8. But on the other hand, these events strengthened the position of the Bolshevik dictatorship. The oppositionists of the Soviet government of the right and left began to reckon with him. The Bolsheviks demonstrated openness in their quest for power, but on the other hand, this was opposed by the military leaders headed by Kornilov, they believed that this anarchy should be ended.9. And the reason for the Kornilov armed uprising can be attributed to the absence of a strong power structure and order in order to achieve a convincing victory over Germany.

Outcome. It was the defeat on the fronts that prompted the coup of power and the destruction of the center of Bolshevism by General L. Kornilov. And, despite the actions taken by him, the Kornilov rebellion was successfully failed. However, as a person far from politics, he underestimated many aspects inner life countries, political, social, economic and national issues. Just as he did not take into account that A.F. Kerensky, who had a legal mindset, could not allow a complete loss of power. This was how circumstances developed, and Kerensky took advantage of this. The armed Kornilov rebellion in the future influenced the outcome of events in favor of the Bolsheviks and contributed to the strengthening of the power of the Soviets.